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Bugaeva 2022

Bugaeva, Anna (ed.) (2022). Handbook of the Ainu language. Handbooks of Japanese Language and Linguistics 12. De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin & Boston.

db.aynu.org/2022-bugaeva prior-analysis general text held locally OCR handbook-epub: 20 leaves, 20 with a printed page

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Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization 1

1. The inflectional person prefix a- does not affect accent placement at all and can be analyzed as extrametrical.
   屈折接頭辞 a- はアクセント配置に全く影響を与えず、外延的（extrametrical）であるとみなすことができる。
   asserts

Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 1

1. Inalienable nouns are obligatorily possessed, taking the affiliative suffix -hV or -V(hV) registering a possessor plus a person-marking prefix.
   譲渡不能名詞は義務的所有名詞であり、所属主を標識する所属形接尾辞 -hV または -V(hV) と所属主を示す人称接頭辞を取る。
   asserts

The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History 1

1. The Ainu formerly inhabited Hokkaido, northern Honshu, southern Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, and southern Kamchatka.
   アイヌはかつて日本の北海道だけでなく、本州北部、樺太南部、千島列島、カムチャツカ南部に居住していた。
   asserts

The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification 3

1. Alienable nouns cannot take person marking directly and instead express possession via a pre-head relative clause headed by kor 'have'.
   譲渡可能名詞は人称接辞を直接取ることができず、動詞 kor「持つ」を述語とする名詞修飾関係節によって所有を表す。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2021poss 2 statements
2. Ainu nouns exhibit an alienability opposition.
   アイヌ語の名詞には譲渡可能性の対立が存在する。
   asserts
3. Ainu nominal grammar possesses bound inalienable nouns and non-possessible alienable nouns.
   アイヌ語の名詞文法には結合的譲渡不能名詞と所属形を持たない譲渡可能名詞が存在する。
   asserts

Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate 1

1. Ainu has a mixed system of expressing grammatical relations that includes elements of tripartite alignment.
   アイヌ語は三分子（三分型）配列の要素を含む文法関係表示の混成体系を持つ。
   asserts

The Split-Intransitive (Active–Stative) Core 1

1. First-person singular verbal marking shows nominative-accusative alignment, with ku- for S/A and en- for O, while second-person (e-, eci-) and third-person (zero) markers are neutral.
   1人称単数の動詞標示は主格・対格アラインメントを示し、S/AにはKu-、OにはEn-が用いられる一方、2人称（e-、eci-）と3人称（ゼロ）は中立型である。
   asserts

The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 2

1. The antipassive/absolutive prefix i- can attach to an obligatorily possessed noun to allow it to be used without a specified possessor.
   動作主／絶対格（使役・逆使役・反受動）接頭辞 i- を義務的所有名詞に付加することで、特定の所属主なしで名詞を使用することができる。
   asserts
2. The prefix i- on obligatorily possessed nouns functions as an unspecified possessor marker that enables independent use of the noun.
   義務的所有名詞に付く接頭辞 i- は、その名詞の独立した使用を可能にする不特定所属主標識として機能する。
   proposes

The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 3

1. Applicatives in Ainu are permitted with almost all verb classes except those at the extremes of the transitivity hierarchy (meteorological, bodily process, and change-of-state verbs at one end, and effective action verbs at the other).
   アイヌ語の適用態は、他動性階層の両極（気象・身体過程・状態変化動詞と効果的動作動詞）を除き、ほぼすべての動詞クラスで許容される。
   asserts reports: bugaevakobayashi2022 2 statements
2. Applicative prefixes in Ainu can attach to certain unaccusative verbs, such as e-ray 'die at some place' from ray 'die' and o-rer 'sink into sth' from rer 'sink'.
   アイヌ語の適用接頭辞は、ray「死ぬ」からe-ray「〜で死ぬ」、rer「沈む」からo-rer「〜に沈む」のように、一部の非対格動詞にも付加される。
   asserts
3. There are three applicative prefixes in Ainu: instrumental e-, dative ko-, and locative o-.
   アイヌ語には道具のe-、与格のko-、場所のo-という3つの適用接頭辞が存在する。
   proposes

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 1

1. The productive causative suffix is phonologically conditioned as -re after vowels and /y/, -e after /r/, and -te after other consonants.
   生産的使役接尾辞は音韻論的に条件づけられ、母音および /y/ の後で -re、/r/ の後で -e、その他の子音の後で -te となる。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2014, shibatani1990 3 statements

Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory 2

1. The conditional conjunction yakun 'if' and a few other conditional conjunctions may be placed at the head of a sentence or main clause.
   条件接続詞yakun「もし」および他の少数の条件接続詞は、文（または主節）の頭に置かれることがある。
   reports
2. There are no participles, converbs, or other standard non-finite forms in Ainu.
   アイヌ語には形動詞、副動詞、その他の標準的な非定形形式は存在しない。
   asserts

Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 2

1. The basic constituent order of Ainu is SOV.
   アイヌ語の基本語順はSOVである。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2006, shibatani1990 4 statements
2. Ainu is basically an SOV language with flexibility in the relative ordering of subject and object, but it is strictly verb-final.
   アイヌ語は基本的にSOV型言語であり、主語と目的語の語順には柔軟性があるが、厳密に動詞末尾である。
   asserts

Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation 1

1. The word ekimne may be divided into morphemes as e-kim-ne (head.POSS.PF-mountains-COP).
   語 ekimne は e-kim-ne（頭部所属形接頭辞-山-コピュラ）として形態素分割され得る。
   proposes

The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism 2

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, nouns with the second-person plural prefix eci- often co-occur with the plural suffix -hcin, as in eci-macihi-hcin 'your wives'.
   樺太アイヌ語において、二人称複数接頭辞 eci- を持つ名詞は複数接尾辞 -hcin と共起することが比較的多い（例：eci-macihi-hcin「お前たちの妻たち」）。
   asserts
2. In Saru Ainu, instead of combining the first-person singular subject prefix ku- and the second-person singular object prefix e- into *ku-e, the second-person plural marker eci- is used instead.
   沙流方言のアイヌ語では、1人称単数主語接頭辞ku-と2人称単数目的語接頭辞e-を組み合わせて*ku-eとする代わりに、通常は2人称複数主語/目的語の標識であるeci-を用いる。
   asserts

The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema 1

1. Ainu has a four-term evidential system.
   アイヌ語は4項からなる証拠性体系を持つ。
   asserts

The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect 2

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, an following a notional verb expresses imperfective aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、概念動詞に後続する an は非完了相（imperfective aspect）を表す。
   asserts
2. In Sakhalin Ainu, the constructions kusu an and kusu okay encode progressive aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、kusu an および kusu okay 構文は進行相（progressive aspect）を標示する。
   asserts

First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 3

1. In affirmative clauses, first-person plural exclusive verbal agreement displays a tripartite alignment distinguishing transitive subject ci=, intransitive subject =as, and object un=.
   肯定節において、一人称複数除外の動詞一致は3分割型アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語 ci=、自動詞主語 =as、目的語 un= がそれぞれ区別される。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2006, bugaeva2008 3 statements
2. The transitive prefix c(i)- is the first-person plural exclusive marker, but is also used for first-person singular reference when a god speaks in kamuy yukar.
   他動詞接頭辞 c(i)- は一人称複数排他標識であるが、カムイユカラにおいて神が自身を語る際には一人称単数の意味でも用いられる。
   asserts
3. The vowel /i/ of the first-person prefix ci- drops out when attached to stems that begin with a vowel.
   一人称接頭辞 ci- の母音 /i/ は、母音で始まる語幹に付加されると脱落する。
   asserts

The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur) 1

1. In Hokkaido dialects, a verb phrase can be followed by the formal nouns hi and pe.
   北海道方言において、動詞句は形式名詞 hi および pe を後続させることができる。
   asserts

The Genetic Position of Ainu: Isolate Status and Macro-Comparison Controversies 1

1. Ainu is one of four coastal language families in Northeast Asia and northern Eurasia that survive from before the post-Neolithic spreads of Inner Asian language families.
   アイヌ語は、ポスト新石器時代の内陸アジア型語族の拡散以前から生き残った、北東アジア・北ユーラシアにおける4つの沿岸部言語系統の1つである。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2021poss 2 statements

Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question 1

1. When the prefixes i- (indefinite object) or u- (reciprocal) occur intervocalically in an accent-bearing position, they turn into a glide and form a syllable with the following vowel.
   接頭辞 i-（不定目的語）または u-（相互）がアクセント担持位置で母音間に現れる場合、半母音化して後続母音と一つの音節を形成する。
   asserts

The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question 2

1. Cases of h-insertion are restricted to specific morphological contexts such as possessive formation.
   h挿入の事例は、所有形形成などの特定の形態論的文脈に限定される。
   asserts
2. The phonological status of the glottal stop is unclear in the Chitose dialect.
   千歳方言において声門閉鎖音の音韻的地位は明確ではない。
   asserts

Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry 1

1. The Chitose dialect belongs to a southern subgroup of the Southwestern Hokkaido Ainu group.
   千歳方言は北海道南西部アイヌ語群の南部下位方言群に属する。
   asserts

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 3

1. The indefinite (fourth) person in Ainu has four primary functions: indefinite proper/impersonal, first-person plural inclusive, second-person honorific, and logophoric.
   アイヌ語の不定人称（4人称）には、(i) 固有の不定人称（非人称）、(ii) 1人称複数包括、(iii) 2人称敬称、(iv) ロゴフォリック（作中人物の人称）の4つの主要な機能がある。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2016, bugaeva2015 3 statements
2. The fourth person verbal indexing displays tripartite alignment: a- for transitive subject (A) and possessor, -an for intransitive subject (S), and i- for object (O).
   4人称の動詞標示は三分法アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語（A）および所有者にはa-、自動詞主語（S）には-an、目的語（O）にはi-が用いられる。
   asserts
3. In many dialects, intransitive verbs occur only in their plural form when used with the fourth-person personal affix.
   多くの方言において、自動詞は人称接辞の四人称とともに用いられる際、複数形のみをとる。
   asserts

Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns 1

1. Independent personal pronouns in Ainu are all neutral with respect to S, A, and O alignment.
   アイヌ語の独立人称代名詞は、S、A、Oのアラインメントに関してすべて中立型である。
   asserts

Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways 1

1. Earlier stages of Ainu likely possessed a larger system of verbal appositive classifiers in possessive constructions than recent varieties.
   初期のアイヌ語には、近年の諸方言よりも大規模な動詞的同格類別詞の体系が所有構文に存在していた可能性が高い。
   proposes

Interrogative, Indefinite, and Negative-Polarity Pro-forms 1

1. In Sakhalin dialects, the interrogatives are hemata 'what' and naata 'who', and the indefinites are neeranpe (ka) 'something' and naata (ka) 'somebody'.
   樺太方言において、疑問詞は hemata「何」と naata「誰」であり、不定辞は neeranpe (ka)「何か」と naata (ka)「誰か」である。
   asserts

Japanese Loanwords and Their Phonological Adaptation 1

1. The Sakhalin Ainu word tuuki 'sake cup' is a loanword from Japanese (Old Japanese tuki HL) whose long vowel /uu/ developed secondarily from an accented open initial syllable.
   樺太アイヌ語の tuuki「杯」は日本語（上代日本語 tuki HL）からの借用語であり、その長母音 /uu/ はアクセントのある第1開音節から二次的に生じたものである。
   asserts

The Latin Phonemic Transcription 1

1. The Latin character c is used to represent the voiceless affricate [tʃ].
   ラテン文字 c は無声破擦音 [tʃ] を表すために用いられる。
   asserts

Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields 1

1. Ainu strictly differentiates between two types of grass: kina 'edible grass' and mun 'inedible grass'.
   アイヌ語は2種類の草を厳密に区別しており、kina は「可食の草」、mun は「不可食の草」を指す。
   asserts

Light Verbs, Pro-Verbs, and the Auxiliary-Verb Construction 1

1. Auxiliary verbs in Ainu, which follow main verbs and are unmarked for person, can cliticize directly to the main verb.
   本動詞の後に続き人称標示をとらないアイヌ語の補助動詞は、本動詞に直接接語化（接辞化）することができる。
   asserts

Negative Existential and Possessive: isam 1

1. The verb isam is a lexical negative verb that inherently incorporates the meaning of negation.
   動詞 isam は語彙的否定動詞であり、否定の概念がその意味自体に含まれている。
   asserts

Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns 7

1. Without an overt personal prefix, the default interpretation of an obligatorily possessed noun is that the possessor is third person.
   人称接頭辞がない場合、義務的所有名詞の所属主は三人称であるとデフォルトで解釈される。
   asserts
2. Ainu inalienable nouns include body part terms and their semantic extensions, including bodily secretions, physical strength, disposition, home, and clothing.
   アイヌ語の譲渡不能名詞には、身体部位名詞および分泌物・体力・気質・住居・衣服などのその意味的拡張が含まれる。
   asserts
3. The nouns si and osoma 'excrement' and okuyma 'urine' are encoded as alienably possessed nouns.
   si、osoma「糞」および okuyma「尿」は譲渡可能所有名詞として記号化される。
   asserts
4. In riddles, obligatorily possessed nouns are cited with the fourth-person/first-person plural inclusive transitive subject prefix a- rather than in their conceptual form.
   謎々において、義務的所有名詞は概念形ではなく、一人称複数包括／四人称他動詞主語接頭辞 a- を伴う所属形で用いられる。
   asserts
5. Ainu has a nominal classification distinguishing ordinary nouns from locative nouns.
   アイヌ語には普通名詞と位置名詞を区別する名詞分類が存在する。
   asserts
6. Some kinship terms, such as unu-hu 'his mother', ona-ha 'his father', po-ho 'child/son', and sa-ha 'his elder sister', are encoded as inalienable nouns.
   unu-hu「彼の母」、ona-ha「彼の父」、po-ho「子／息子」、sa-ha「彼の姉」などの一部の親族名称は譲渡不能名詞として扱われる。
   asserts
7. Kinship terms such as totto 'mother', hapo 'father/mother', acapo 'uncle', unarpe 'aunt', huci 'grandmother', and ekasi 'grandfather' are encoded as alienably possessed nouns.
   totto「母」、hapo「父／母」、acapo「叔父」、unarpe「叔母」、huci「祖母」、ekasi「祖父」などの親族名称は譲渡可能所有名詞として記号化される。
   asserts

Nominalized Complements and Control/Raising 3

1. Noun complement clauses pattern syntactically as possessive noun phrases, with the modifying clause serving as the possessor and referent for possessive marking on the head.
   名詞補文節は所属名詞句と同様のパターンをとり、修飾節全体が主要部の所属標示に対する所有者および指示対象として機能する。
   asserts
2. Noun complement clauses in Ainu lack an internal syntactic gap and have no underlying base clause.
   アイヌ語の名詞補文節は節内部に空所を持たず、基底となる基本節を欠く。
   asserts
3. Noun complement clauses employ a paradigm of possessive evidential forms as complementizers, including ru-w-e, haw-e, sir-i, and hum-i.
   名詞補文節は、ru-w-e、haw-e、sir-i、hum-i などの所属形をとる証拠的意味を持つ一連の形式を補文標識として用いる。
   asserts

Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 3

1. Object noun incorporation reduces the valency of a transitive verb by one, converting it into an intransitive verb.
   目的語名詞抱合は他動詞の結合価を1つ低減させ、自動詞へと転換する。
   asserts asserts: nakagawa2024, refsing1986 4 statements
2. Ainu features noun incorporation.
   アイヌ語は名詞抱合を特徴とする。
   asserts
3. In derived applicative verbs with object incorporation, there is a tendency for the applicative prefix to be adjacent to the verbal root and for the incorporated applicative object to immediately precede it.
   目的語抱合を伴う派生適用動詞において、適用接頭辞は動詞語根に隣接し、抱合された適用目的語はその直前に位置する傾向がある。
   asserts

Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate 1

1. In Ainu, oblique nominals cannot be directly incorporated into a verb without first being promoted to a direct object via an applicative prefix.
   アイヌ語において斜格名詞は動詞に直接抱合されることはできず、適用接頭辞によって直接目的語へ昇格された後にのみ抱合されうる。
   asserts asserts: shibatani1990 4 statements

Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding 1

1. Ainu exhibits valency-decreasing S-incorporation with natural phenomena nouns resulting in zero-valency verbs, valency-retaining S-incorporation with body part nouns, and valency-decreasing A-incorporation with natural phenomena and insect nouns.
   アイヌ語には、零結合価動詞を生じる自然現象名詞を伴う結合価低減的S抱合、身体部位名詞を伴う結合価維持的S抱合、および（超）自然現象や昆虫名詞を伴う結合価低減的A抱合が存在する。
   asserts

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

1. In Ainu, compound nouns of the type 'object + transitive verb + noun' are common, whereas 'subject + transitive verb + noun' compounds do not occur.
   アイヌ語では「目的語＋他動詞＋名詞」型の複合名詞は一般的であるが、「主語＋他動詞＋名詞」型の複合名詞は見られない。
   asserts

The Structure of the Noun Phrase 1

1. In the possessive NP construction, omitting the possessor noun is most natural, especially when it is overtly indexed on the possessee.
   所有名詞句構文において、特に所属主が被所有物に明示的に指標されている場合、所属主名詞（N₁）を省略するのが最も自然である。
   asserts

The Oral-Literature Genre System and Its Grammatical Signatures 2

1. The kamuy yukar (divine epic) genre contains melody, meter, and a refrain (sakehe).
   神謡（カムイユカラ）ジャンルは節、韻律、そして折り返し（サケヘ）を含む。
   asserts
2. The ucaskuma genre of oral tradition is a non-rhythmic prose genre characterized by third-person narration that recounts the vicissitudes of humans.
   口承文芸のウチャシクマ（ucaskuma）は、散文（非韻律）ジャンルに属し、三人称の語りを特徴とし、人間の体験や出来事を語る。
   asserts

The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar 1

1. The causative suffix -yar is realized as -yar after stems ending in vowels and as -ar after stems ending in consonants.
   使役接尾辞 -yar は、母音で終わる語幹の後では -yar、子音で終わる語幹の後では -ar として実現する。
   asserts

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 3

1. The transitive subject (A) series of personal affixes is also used to mark possessors on nouns.
   他動詞主語（A）系列の人称接辞は、名詞の所属主（所有者）を標示するためにも用いられる。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2016, bugaeva2021poss 3 statements
2. First- and second-person arguments are indexed on the verb with personal prefixes ku- for 1SG.S/A, en- for 1SG.O, and e- for 2SG.S/A/O, whereas third-person subject and object are zero.
   1人称と2人称の項は、動詞上で人称接頭辞ku-（1SG.S/A）、en-（1SG.O）、e-（2SG.S/A/O）によって標示され、3人称の主語および目的語はゼロである。
   asserts
3. The person-marking prefix indexing the possessor on an inalienable noun is identical with the transitive subject marker (A), or with the object marker (O) in the case of relational nouns.
   譲渡不能名詞の所属主を指標する人称接頭辞は、他動詞主語標識（A）と同一であり、位置名詞の場合には目的語標識（O）と同一である。
   asserts

Phasal, Iterative, and Habitual Aspect 3

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, teh an following a notional verb expresses perfective aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、概念動詞に後続する teh an は完了相（perfective aspect）を表す。
   asserts
2. In Sakhalin Ainu, the construction wa isam following a notional verb encodes conclusive aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、概念動詞に後続する wa isam 構文は完了的終結相（conclusive aspect）を標示する。
   asserts
3. In Sakhalin Ainu, the verbal suffix -pa encodes iterative aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、動詞接尾辞 -pa は反復相（iterative aspect）を標示する。
   asserts

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 4

1. In Ainu, a small number of exceptional words beginning with an open or light syllable have accent on the first syllable.
   アイヌ語において、開音節または軽音節で始まる少数の例外的な語では第1音節にアクセントが置かれる。
   asserts asserts: sato2008, shiraishi2022 3 statements
2. In Yakumo Ainu, for words of three or more syllables whose first syllable is open, accent falls on the third syllable if the second syllable is open, but on the second syllable if the second syllable is closed.
   八雲方言において、第1音節が開音節である3音節以上の語では、第2音節が開音節ならば第3音節に、閉音節ならば第2音節にアクセントが置かれる。
   asserts asserts: nakagawa2024 2 statements
3. In Hokkaido Ainu, compounds of CV plus 'VCV regularly exhibit accent on the initial syllable rather than the regular second syllable (e.g., ka + 'eka -> ká'eka 'to twist thread').
   北海道アイヌ語において、CVに'VCVが後続する複合語は通常の第2音節ではなく規則的に第1音節にアクセントをもつ（例：ka ＋ 'eka → ká'eka「糸を縒る」）。
   asserts
4. The 'long' vowel notations in old documents for words like tókap 'daytime' should be interpreted as redundant intonational lengthening deriving from accent rather than a phonological vowel length contrast.
   tókap「昼」のような語における古文書の「長母音」表記は、音韻的な母音長短の対立を示すものではなく、アクセントに由来する余剰的なイントネーション上の特徴と解釈すべきである。
   proposes

Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental 3

1. Nominative, accusative, and genitive cases are absent in Ainu.
   アイヌ語には主格、対格、属格が存在しない。
   asserts
2. The Saru dialect of Ainu distinguishes at least 12 cases, classified into postpositional adverbs and postpositional particles.
   アイヌ語沙流方言には少なくとも12の格があり、後置副詞と後置助詞に分類される。
   reports
3. Many postpositional adverbs in Ainu originate in verbs or adverbs and can take personal affixes for A or for O.
   アイヌ語の多くの後置副詞は動詞または副詞に由来し、AまたはOの人称接辞をとることができる。
   asserts

Pragmatic Word-Order Permutation, Dislocation, and Argument Ellipsis 1

1. Ainu has a right-dislocation construction in which a nounless verb phrase is produced first and its subject or object is subsequently disambiguated by placing it as an argument of the transitive light verb ki 'do'.
   アイヌ語では名詞句を伴わない動詞句を先に発話し、その主語または目的語を後から他動詞的軽動詞ki「する」の項として後置する右方転位構文が存在する。
   asserts

Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes 5

1. Proto-Ainu possessed phonologically distinctive vowel length but lacked phonologically distinctive pitch accent.
   祖アイヌ語には音韻上弁別的な母音の長短が存在したが、弁別的なピッチアクセントは存在しなかった。
   reports reports: itabashi2001 3 statements
2. To explain the exceptional first-syllable accent in CVCV stems such as réra 'wind', an unidentified consonant *H can be reconstructed in the proto-form, as in *reHra.
   réra「風」のようなCVCV語幹における第1音節の例外的なアクセントを説明するために、祖形に *reHra のような未知の子音 *H を再構することができる。
   proposes
3. To explain the kana spelling piruka for pirka 'good' as opposed to shiri- for sir, it is proposed that pirka historically contained an intervening consonant *H (*piHrka) that prevented the palatalization of /r/ by /i/.
   sir に対する「志り」と pirka に対する「ぴるか」という仮名表記の違いを説明するために、pirka には歴史的に介在子音 *H（*piHrka）が存在し、それによって /i/ による /r/ の口蓋化が阻害されたという仮説が提案されている。
   proposes
4. Long vowels in Hokkaido Ainu were never an archaic Proto-Ainu property, but rather a temporary, redundant secondary development that was subsequently lost without becoming phonemically distinctive.
   北海道アイヌ語における長母音は祖アイヌ語の古い特徴ではなく、一時的な余剰的二次発達にすぎず、音韻的対立をなさずに最終的に消失した。
   proposes
5. Satō (2016b) claims that the phonological vowel length opposition in Sakhalin Ainu is a secondary development rather than an archaic retention from Proto-Ainu.
   佐藤（2016b）は服部（1967）とは対照的に、樺太方言における母音長短の対立は祖アイヌ語からの保持ではなく二次的発達であると主張している。
   reports

Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 5

1. Relational terms such as sam-a 'near him', etok-o 'in front of him', and corpok-i 'under him' belong to the class of inalienables.
   sam-a「彼のそば」、etok-o「彼の前」、corpok-i「彼の下」などの関係名詞（位置名詞）は譲渡不能名詞の範疇に属する。
   asserts
2. Possessive/affiliative suffixes are not required with relational nouns when they are prefixed for person.
   関係名詞に人称接頭辞が付される場合、所属形／所有接尾辞は必要とされない。
   asserts
3. Postpositional particles in locative expressions obligatorily require a noun phrase to designate a location, either being a category 2 locative noun or an ordinary noun combined with a category 1 locative noun.
   場所表現における後置助詞は、名詞句が「場所」であることを義務的に要求し、第2種の場所名詞であるか、または普通名詞に第1種の場所名詞が結合したものである必要がある。
   asserts
4. Ainu distinguishes grammatically between locations and non-locations even with arguments of two- or three-place transitive verbs that take an object with the semantic role of Location.
   アイヌ語は、場所という意味役割の目的語をとる2項または3項の他動詞（固有・派生問わず）の項においても、文法的に場所と非場所を区別する。
   asserts
5. The Sakhalin locative noun oro corresponds to Hokkaido dialect or, but unlike Hokkaido dialects, Sakhalin lacks an or / or-o distinction.
   樺太方言の位置名詞 oro は北海道方言の or に対応するが、北海道方言と異なり or と or-o の区別が存在しない。
   asserts

The Sakehe Refrain, Verse Meter, and the Structure of Sung Verse 1

1. The refrain (sakehe) in divine epics usually provides rhythm and does not necessarily have a meaning.
   神謡における折り返し（サケヘ）は通例リズムを与え、必ずしも意味を持つとは限らない。
   asserts

Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison 4

1. In modern Sakhalin Ainu dialects, an independent (C)V morpheme is phonologically (C)VV and always pronounced long, both independently and as a constituent of a compound.
   現代樺太アイヌ語諸方言において、(C)V形の独立形態素は単独であっても複合語の構成要素であっても常に長母音として発音され、音韻論的には(C)VVと解釈される。
   asserts
2. A Hokkaido Ainu form with an accented first syllable (C)VCV(C) generally corresponds to (C)VVCV(C) with a long vowel in Sakhalin Ainu (e.g. Hokkaido réra vs. Sakhalin reera 'wind').
   北海道アイヌ語で第1音節にアクセントをもつ(C)VCV(C)形は、樺太アイヌ語において長母音をもつ(C)VVCV(C)形に概ね対応する（例：北海道 réra に対して樺太 reera「風」）。
   reports
3. In Sakhalin Ainu, long vowels in independent words alternate with short vowels in compounds, as in nii 'tree' versus 'ah-ni 'Manchurian elm'.
   樺太アイヌ語では、独立形の長母音が複合語内で短母音と交替することがあり、例えば nii「木」に対して 'ah-ni「ハルニレ」が挙げられる。
   asserts
4. In Sakhalin Ainu, when a stem beginning with /'V/ follows a CVV stem, the compound surfaces as CV'V rather than *CVV'V (e.g. kaa + 'ama -> ka'ama 'to set a snare').
   樺太アイヌ語において、/'V/ で始まる語幹が CVV 語幹に後続すると、合成形は *CVV'V ではなく CV'V となる（例：kaa ＋ 'ama → ka'ama「罠を仕掛ける」）。
   reports

The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization 1

1. The Kuril variety of Ainu disappeared in the beginning of the 20th century.
   千島アイヌ語は20世紀初頭に消滅した。
   asserts

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 3

1. Ainu possesses verbal number.
   アイヌ語は動詞数の体系を持つ。
   asserts
2. For intransitive verbs, verbal number refers to the number of subject participants, whereas for transitive verbs it refers to the plurality of object participants or multiple results of actions.
   アイヌ語において、自動詞の文法数は主語参与者の数を指し、他動詞の文法数は目的語参与者の複数性または動作の複数回の結果を指す。
   asserts
3. The plural of the intransitive verb soyne is soyenpa, where an e is inserted between y and n because the sequence *soyn-pa is illicit under Ainu syllable phonotactics.
   自動詞 soyne の複数形は soyenpa であり、アイヌ語の音節構造上 *soyn-pa が許容されないため、y と n の間に e が挿入されていると考えられる。
   asserts

Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints 2

1. The phonotactic sequence *VC'V is not permissible word-internally across Ainu dialects.
   *VC'V という連続は、アイヌ語諸方言を通じて語内部で生起が許容されない。
   asserts
2. Because the syllable shape /suw/ is prohibited in Ainu, the combination /suw-pa/ from root √suw becomes /su-pa/.
   アイヌ語では音節構造 /suw/ が許容されないため、語根 √suw からの /suw-pa/ は /su-pa/ となる。
   asserts

A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu 9

1. In complex sentences, Ainu exhibits predominantly dependent-marking patterns, as in relative clauses and most subordinate clauses.
   複文においてアイヌ語は、関係節や大部分の従属節に見られるように、主に主従構造における従属部標示のパターンを示す。
   asserts
2. Ainu is head-marking both at the clause level and at the phrase level.
   アイヌ語は節レベルと句レベルの双方において主要部標示言語である。
   asserts
3. Most key grammatical features in Ainu are either directly or indirectly related to head-marking.
   アイヌ語における主要な特徴の多くは、直接的または間接的に主要部標示と関連している。
   asserts
4. Some adverbial clauses are head-marked, in that a conjunctive element can follow sentence-final intonation and be uttered with the following sentence or verb phrase.
   一部の副詞節は主要部標示であり、接続要素が文末イントネーションの後に現れて後続の文または動詞句とともに発話されることがある。
   reports
5. In evidential noun complement clauses, the complementizer markers belong to the main clause while leaving the subordinate clause intact, exhibiting a head-marking pattern.
   証拠性の名詞補文節において、補文標識は主節に属し、従属節は無傷のまま残されており、これは主要部標示型言語の特徴を示している。
   proposes
6. Ainu is predominantly head-marking at the clause and noun phrase levels and partially at the sentence level, distinguishing it from predominantly dependent-marking languages of Northeast Asia.
   アイヌ語は節レベルおよび名詞句レベルで主に主要部標示であり、文レベルでも部分的に主要部標示であって、主に従属部標示である北東アジアの諸言語とは異なっている。
   asserts
7. Ainu is a polysynthetic and incorporating language.
   アイヌ語は多総合的（ポリシンセティック）かつ抱合的な言語である。
   asserts
8. The Ainu language differs strikingly from the languages of Northeast Asia, including the Altaic languages, Korean, Japanese, Nivkh, Yukaghir, and Chukchi-Kamchatkan.
   アイヌ語は、いわゆるアルタイ諸語、朝鮮語、日本語、ニヴフ語、ユカギール語、チュクチ・カムチャツカ諸語を含む北東アジアの諸言語と著しく異なっている。
   asserts
9. Ainu is an agglutinating language.
   アイヌ語は膠着語である。
   asserts

Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 1

1. Ainu features a rich inventory of voice categories.
   アイヌ語は豊かなヴォイス体系を特徴とする。
   asserts

The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template 1

1. Ainu verbal structure has a mixed templatic and scopal organization, where the suffixed domain is templatic and the prefixed domain is scopal.
   アイヌ語の動詞構造はスコーパル（作用域的）かつテンプラティック（スロット的）な混合組織を持ち、接尾辞部分はテンプラティックであり、接頭辞部分はスコーパルである。
   reports

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 1

1. In modern Hokkaido Ainu dialects, an independent (C)V morpheme is phonetically lengthened when standalone but pronounced short in a compound, possessing no phonological vowel length contrast.
   現代北海道アイヌ語諸方言において、独立した(C)V形態素は単独では音声的に長母音として発音されるが、複合語内では短母音として発音されるため、音韻的な母音長短の対立は存在しない。
   asserts

The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition 1

1. The word ekimne can function both as an intransitive verb and as an adverb.
   語 ekimne は自動詞としても副詞としても機能する。
   asserts

Written Sources: Grammars, Dictionaries, and the Philological Record 16

1. Moshiogusa, published in 1792, is the first Ainu dictionary in the world.
   1792年に刊行された『もしほ草』は、世界最初のアイヌ語辞典である。
   asserts
2. Ezo kotoba irohabiki (1848), compiled by Kizaemon Itoya in Otaru, contains forms of an extinct west-coast Hokkaido Ainu dialect arranged by the Japanese Iroha syllabary.
   糸屋喜左衛門が小樽で著した『蝦夷言いろは引』（1848年）には、日本語のいろは順に配列された、絶滅した北海道西海岸方言の形式が含まれている。
   asserts
3. In the earliest Japanese documents of Ainu, such as Matsumae no kotoba and Ezo-kotoba, Ainu words as well as Japanese are written with hiragana, including hentaigana.
   『松前ノ言葉』や『蝦夷言葉』のような日本の最初期のアイヌ語資料では、日本語と同様にアイヌ語も変体仮名を含む平仮名で書かれている。
   asserts
4. In early Japanese documents recording Ainu, the hentaigana characters 川 (tsu) and 志 (shi) are used more frequently to transcribe Ainu than Japanese.
   アイヌ語を記録した初期の日本語資料では、変体仮名の「川」(つ)や「志」(し)が日本語の表記よりもアイヌ語の表記において多く用いられている。
   asserts
5. In later Edo-era documents, Ainu tends to be written with katakana, whereas Japanese is generally written with Chinese characters and hiragana.
   その後の江戸時代の文献では、日本語が一般に漢字と平仮名で書かれるのに対し、アイヌ語は片仮名で表記される傾向がある。
   asserts
6. The modern Ainu form iwanpe 'six' may historically have had a shape like *iwanp or *iwanpə, as suggested by the 17th-century kana spelling yuwanfu in Matsumae no kotoba.
   17世紀の『松前ノ言』における「ゆ王んふ（yuwanfu）」という表記から、現代アイヌ語の iwanpe「6」はかつて *iwanp または *iwanpə のような形であった可能性がある。
   proposes
7. Whereas okkay in modern Ainu usually means 'adult man', in 17th-century documents such as Angelis's record and Matsumae no kotoba it meant 'young man, boy'.
   現代アイヌ語において okkay は通常「成人男性」を意味するが、アンジェリスの記録や『松前ノ言』といった17世紀の資料では「若い男、少年」と説明されていた。
   asserts
8. In the early 18th century, the Ainu pronunciation of hu was either [hu] or [xu], rather than the modern pronunciation [ɸu].
   18世紀初頭のアイヌ語における hu の発音は、現代の [ɸu] ではなく [hu] または [xu] であった。
   asserts
9. The root rep 'center of hearth or sea' may historically have contained a consonant *H (*reHp), as evidenced by the spelling 'あへ連んほう' (aherenhou) in Ezo kotoba.
   『犾言葉』における「あへ連んほう (aherenhou)」という表記は、語根 rep「炉の中心または海」がかつて *reHp のように未知の子音 *H を含んでいた可能性を示している。
   proposes
10. Ezo sōshi (1790) employs the special kana character ト゜ to transcribe the syllable /tu/.
    『蝦夷草紙』（1790年）では、音節 /tu/ を表記するために特殊な仮名文字「ト゜」が用いられている。
    asserts
11. Matsumae no kotoba (17th c.) contains kana spellings such as 連いら (reira) for modern réra 'wind' and てい多 (teita) for modern téta 'here', suggesting long vowels that are absent in modern Hokkaido Ainu.
    『松前の言』（17世紀）には、現代北海道アイヌ語の réra「風」に対する「連いら」（reira）や téta「ここ」に対する「てい多」（teita）など、現代北海道アイヌ語には存在しない長母音を示唆する表記が含まれている。
    reports
12. Old Japanese documents frequently record modern Hokkaido Ainu tókap 'daytime' with kana spellings indicating a long first syllable, such as とふかつふ (tofukatsufu) or トーガプ (toogapu).
    日本の古文書において、現代北海道アイヌ語の tókap「昼」は「とふかつふ」（tofukatsufu）や「トーガプ」（toogapu）のように第1音節の長音を示す仮名表記で頻繁に記録されている。
    asserts
13. In early Japanese documents such as Ezo kotoba (1704), Matsumae no kotoba, and Ezoki (1795), the coda /r/ in pirka 'good' is predominantly written with the kana る (ru) or ル (ru), rather than り (ri) or リ (ri).
    『蝦夷言葉』（1704年）、『松前の言』、『蝦夷記』（1795年）などの初期の文献において、pirka「良い」の末子音 /r/ は「り／リ」ではなく圧倒的に仮名「る／ル」で表記されている。
    asserts
14. In contrast to pirka 'good', other words containing /ir/ such as sirkunne 'dark', sir 'land', and kikir 'bug' are consistently written in early Japanese documents with kana り (ri) or 里 (ri), never る (ru).
    pirka「良い」とは対照的に、sirkunne「暗い」、sir「大地」、kikir「虫」など /ir/ を含む他の語は、初期文献において一貫して仮名「り／里」で書かれ、「る」で書かれることはない。
    asserts
15. In the Edo-period text Ezo chiyaranke narabini jōrurigen, the Ainu syllable tu is transcribed with the kana sequence トウ, as in ヱホマトウ for ehomatu 'to be surprised at'.
    江戸時代の文献『蝦夷談判並浄瑠璃言』において、当時の日本語にはない音の組み合わせであるアイヌ語の音節 tu は、ehomatu「驚く」を表す「ヱホマトウ」のように仮名「トウ」で書き表されている。
    asserts
16. There are very few reliable and sizable documents of the Ainu language dating back as far as the 17th century or the first half of the 18th century.
    17世紀あるいは18世紀前半にまで遡る信頼できかつある程度の分量をもつアイヌ語資料はきわめて少ない。
    asserts

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu 9

1. In complex sentences, Ainu exhibits predominantly dependent-marking patterns, as in relative clauses and most subordinate clauses.
   複文においてアイヌ語は、関係節や大部分の従属節に見られるように、主に主従構造における従属部標示のパターンを示す。
   p. 1.6 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Some adverbial clauses are head-marked, in that a conjunctive element can follow sentence-final intonation and be uttered with the following sentence or verb phrase.
   一部の副詞節は主要部標示であり、接続要素が文末イントネーションの後に現れて後続の文または動詞句とともに発話されることがある。
   p. 1.6 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. In evidential noun complement clauses, the complementizer markers belong to the main clause while leaving the subordinate clause intact, exhibiting a head-marking pattern.
   証拠性の名詞補文節において、補文標識は主節に属し、従属節は無傷のまま残されており、これは主要部標示型言語の特徴を示している。
   p. 1.6 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. Ainu is predominantly head-marking at the clause and noun phrase levels and partially at the sentence level, distinguishing it from predominantly dependent-marking languages of Northeast Asia.
   アイヌ語は節レベルおよび名詞句レベルで主に主要部標示であり、文レベルでも部分的に主要部標示であって、主に従属部標示である北東アジアの諸言語とは異なっている。
   p. 1.7 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
5. The Ainu language differs strikingly from the languages of Northeast Asia, including the Altaic languages, Korean, Japanese, Nivkh, Yukaghir, and Chukchi-Kamchatkan.
   アイヌ語は、いわゆるアルタイ諸語、朝鮮語、日本語、ニヴフ語、ユカギール語、チュクチ・カムチャツカ諸語を含む北東アジアの諸言語と著しく異なっている。
   p. 1.1 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
6. Ainu is an agglutinating language.
   アイヌ語は膠着語である。
   p. 1.1 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
7. Ainu is a polysynthetic and incorporating language.
   アイヌ語は多総合的（ポリシンセティック）かつ抱合的な言語である。
   p. 1.1 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
8. Ainu is head-marking both at the clause level and at the phrase level.
   アイヌ語は節レベルと句レベルの双方において主要部標示言語である。
   p. 1.1 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
9. Most key grammatical features in Ainu are either directly or indirectly related to head-marking.
   アイヌ語における主要な特徴の多くは、直接的または間接的に主要部標示と関連している。
   p. 1.1 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory 2

1. The conditional conjunction yakun 'if' and a few other conditional conjunctions may be placed at the head of a sentence or main clause.
   条件接続詞yakun「もし」および他の少数の条件接続詞は、文（または主節）の頭に置かれることがある。
   p. 1.6 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% ainu yakun
2. There are no participles, converbs, or other standard non-finite forms in Ainu.
   アイヌ語には形動詞、副動詞、その他の標準的な非定形形式は存在しない。
   p. 20.6 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Nominalized Complements and Control/Raising 3

1. Noun complement clauses in Ainu lack an internal gap and lack a base clause.
   アイヌ語の名詞補文節は内部に空所を持たず、基本節を欠いている。
   p. 1.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Noun complement clauses take a set of complementizers with evidential meanings in their possessive forms: ru-w-e (inferential), haw-e (hearsay), sir-i (visual), and hum-i (non-visual sensory).
   名詞補文節は、所属形をとる証拠的意味を持つ一連の補文標識、すなわち ru-w-e（推量）、haw-e（伝聞）、sir-i（視覚）、hum-i（非視覚感覚）を用いる。
   p. 1.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ru-w-ehaw-esir-ihum-i
3. Noun complement clauses pattern like possessive noun phrases, with the entire modifying clause acting as the possessor and referent of the possessive marking on the head.
   名詞補文節は所属名詞句と全く同じパターンをとり、修飾節全体が主要部上の所属標示の所有者および指示対象として機能する。
   p. 1.6 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 3

1. Ainu has a verb-final SOV basic constituent order.
   アイヌ語は動詞末尾のSOV語順を持つ。
   p. 1.7 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Ainu has SOV constituent order.
   アイヌ語はSOV語順の言語である。
   p. 1.1 ordering asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. Ainu is basically an SOV language with flexibility in the relative ordering of subject and object, but it is strictly verb-final.
   アイヌ語は基本的にSOV型言語であり、主語と目的語の語順には柔軟性があるが、厳密に動詞末尾である。
   p. 1.4 ordering asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Genetic Position of Ainu: Isolate Status and Macro-Comparison Controversies 1

1. In Northeast Asia, Ainu is one of four coastal families, alongside Nivkh, Chukchi-Kamchatkan, and Eskimo-Aleut, surviving from the post-Neolithic spreads of Inner Asian-type language families.
   北東アジアにおいてアイヌ語は、ニヴフ語、チュクチ・カムチャツカ語族、エスキモー・アレウト語族と並び、内陸アジア型の語族のポスト新石器時代の拡散から生き残った4つの沿岸部語族の1つである。
   p. 1.7 diachrony asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification 3

1. Ainu nominal grammar possesses bound inalienable nouns and non-possessible alienable nouns.
   アイヌ語の名詞文法には結合的譲渡不能名詞と所属形を持たない譲渡可能名詞が存在する。
   p. 1.5 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Alienable nouns cannot take person-marking prefixes, but instead express possession or ownership via a pre-head relative clause headed by the verb kor 'have'.
   譲渡可能名詞は人称接頭辞を取ることができず、動詞 kor「持つ」を述語とする名詞修飾節を用いて所有関係を表す。
   p. 1.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kor
3. Ainu nouns exhibit an alienability opposition.
   アイヌ語の名詞には譲渡可能性の対立が存在する。
   p. 1.1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 1

1. Inalienable nouns are obligatorily possessed, taking the affiliative suffix -hV or -V(hV) registering a possessor plus a person-marking prefix.
   譲渡不能名詞は義務的所有名詞であり、所属主を標識する所属形接尾辞 -hV または -V(hV) と所属主を示す人称接頭辞を取る。
   p. 1.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -hV-V(hV)

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 3

1. The person-marking prefix indexing the possessor on an inalienable noun is identical with the transitive subject marker (A), or with the object marker (O) in the case of relational nouns.
   譲渡不能名詞の所属主を指標する人称接頭辞は、他動詞主語標識（A）と同一であり、位置名詞の場合には目的語標識（O）と同一である。
   p. 1.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. First- and second-person arguments are indexed on the verb with personal prefixes ku- for 1SG.S/A, en- for 1SG.O, and e- for 2SG.S/A/O, whereas third-person subject and object are zero.
   1人称と2人称の項は、動詞上で人称接頭辞ku-（1SG.S/A）、en-（1SG.O）、e-（2SG.S/A/O）によって標示され、3人称の主語および目的語はゼロである。
   p. 1.4 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ku-en-e-
3. The transitive subject (A) person affix series in Ainu is also used for possessors.
   アイヌ語の他動詞主語（A）人称接辞系列は、所有者を表すためにも用いられる。
   p. 20.6 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Structure of the Noun Phrase 1

1. In the possessive NP construction, omitting the possessor noun is most natural, especially when it is overtly indexed on the possessee.
   所有名詞句構文において、特に所属主が被所有物に明示的に指標されている場合、所属主名詞（N₁）を省略するのが最も自然である。
   p. 1.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns 7

1. Without an overt personal prefix, the default interpretation of an obligatorily possessed noun is that the possessor is third person.
   人称接頭辞がない場合、義務的所有名詞の所属主は三人称であるとデフォルトで解釈される。
   p. 1.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Ainu inalienable nouns include body part terms and their semantic extensions, including bodily secretions, physical strength, disposition, home, and clothing.
   アイヌ語の譲渡不能名詞には、身体部位名詞および分泌物・体力・気質・住居・衣服などのその意味的拡張が含まれる。
   p. 1.5 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu tek-ekem-ihinupe-heetor-okiror-okewtum-uramac-ihire-he
3. The nouns si and osoma 'excrement' and okuyma 'urine' are encoded as alienably possessed nouns.
   si、osoma「糞」および okuyma「尿」は譲渡可能所有名詞として記号化される。
   p. 1.5 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu siosomaokuyma
4. Some kinship terms, such as unu-hu 'his mother', ona-ha 'his father', po-ho 'child/son', and sa-ha 'his elder sister', are encoded as inalienable nouns.
   unu-hu「彼の母」、ona-ha「彼の父」、po-ho「子／息子」、sa-ha「彼の姉」などの一部の親族名称は譲渡不能名詞として扱われる。
   p. 1.5 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu unu-huona-hapo-hosa-hayup-ihi
5. Kinship terms such as totto 'mother', hapo 'father/mother', acapo 'uncle', unarpe 'aunt', huci 'grandmother', and ekasi 'grandfather' are encoded as alienably possessed nouns.
   totto「母」、hapo「父／母」、acapo「叔父」、unarpe「叔母」、huci「祖母」、ekasi「祖父」などの親族名称は譲渡可能所有名詞として記号化される。
   p. 1.5 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu tottohapoacapounarpehuciekasi
6. In riddles, obligatorily possessed nouns are cited with the fourth-person/first-person plural inclusive transitive subject prefix a- rather than in their conceptual form.
   謎々において、義務的所有名詞は概念形ではなく、一人称複数包括／四人称他動詞主語接頭辞 a- を伴う所属形で用いられる。
   p. 1.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu a-
7. Ainu has a nominal classification distinguishing ordinary nouns from locative nouns.
   アイヌ語には普通名詞と位置名詞を区別する名詞分類が存在する。
   p. 1.1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 5

1. Relational terms such as sam-a 'near him', etok-o 'in front of him', and corpok-i 'under him' belong to the class of inalienables.
   sam-a「彼のそば」、etok-o「彼の前」、corpok-i「彼の下」などの関係名詞（位置名詞）は譲渡不能名詞の範疇に属する。
   p. 1.5 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu sam-aetok-ocorpok-i
2. Postpositional particles in locative expressions obligatorily require a noun phrase to designate a location, either being a category 2 locative noun or an ordinary noun combined with a category 1 locative noun.
   場所表現における後置助詞は、名詞句が「場所」であることを義務的に要求し、第2種の場所名詞であるか、または普通名詞に第1種の場所名詞が結合したものである必要がある。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu taunwapekane
3. Ainu distinguishes grammatically between locations and non-locations even with arguments of two- or three-place transitive verbs that take an object with the semantic role of Location.
   アイヌ語は、場所という意味役割の目的語をとる2項または3項の他動詞（固有・派生問わず）の項においても、文法的に場所と非場所を区別する。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu omaoma-reosmaokus
4. Possessive/affiliative suffixes are not required with relational nouns when they are prefixed for person.
   関係名詞に人称接頭辞が付される場合、所属形／所有接尾辞は必要とされない。
   p. 20.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
5. The Sakhalin locative noun oro corresponds to Hokkaido dialect or, but unlike Hokkaido dialects, Sakhalin lacks an or / or-o distinction.
   樺太方言の位置名詞 oro は北海道方言の or に対応するが、北海道方言と異なり or と or-o の区別が存在しない。
   p. 20.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin oroor

The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 2

1. The antipassive/absolutive prefix i- can attach to an obligatorily possessed noun to allow it to be used without a specified possessor.
   動作主／絶対格（使役・逆使役・反受動）接頭辞 i- を義務的所有名詞に付加することで、特定の所属主なしで名詞を使用することができる。
   p. 1.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu i-
2. The prefix i- on obligatorily possessed nouns functions as an unspecified possessor marker that enables independent use of the noun.
   義務的所有名詞に付く接頭辞 i- は、その名詞の独立した使用を可能にする不特定所属主標識として機能する。
   p. 1.5 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu i-

Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways 1

1. Earlier Ainu likely possessed a larger system of verbal appositive classifiers in possessive constructions than recent Ainu.
   初期のアイヌ語には、近年のアイヌ語よりも大規模な動詞的同格類別詞の体系が所有構文に存在していた可能性が高い。
   p. 1.5 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu kormian-tehekotemutresuun

The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History 1

1. The Ainu formerly inhabited Hokkaido, northern Honshu, southern Sakhalin, the Kuril Islands, and southern Kamchatka.
   アイヌはかつて日本の北海道だけでなく、本州北部、樺太南部、千島列島、カムチャツカ南部に居住していた。
   p. 1.1 other asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 3

1. Ainu features noun incorporation.
   アイヌ語は名詞抱合を特徴とする。
   p. 1.1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Object noun incorporation in Ainu is valency-decreasing, converting a transitive verb into an intransitive verb.
   アイヌ語における目的語名詞抱合は結合価低減的であり、他動詞を自動詞に変化させる。
   p. 1.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. In derived applicative verbs with object incorporation, there is a tendency for the applicative prefix to be adjacent to the verbal root and for the incorporated applicative object to immediately precede it.
   目的語抱合を伴う派生適用動詞において、適用接頭辞は動詞語根に隣接し、抱合された適用目的語はその直前に位置する傾向がある。
   p. 1.4 ordering asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 1

1. Ainu features a rich inventory of voice categories.
   アイヌ語は豊かなヴォイス体系を特徴とする。
   p. 1.1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate 1

1. Ainu has a mixed system of expressing grammatical relations with elements of tripartite alignment.
   アイヌ語は三分子配列の要素を含む文法関係表示の混合体系を持つ。
   p. 1.1 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema 1

1. Ainu has a four-term evidential system.
   アイヌ語は4項からなる証拠性体系を持つ。
   p. 1.1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 3

1. Ainu possesses verbal number.
   アイヌ語は動詞数の体系を持つ。
   p. 1.1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. For intransitive verbs, verbal number refers to the number of subject participants, whereas for transitive verbs it refers to the plurality of object participants or multiple results of actions.
   アイヌ語において、自動詞の文法数は主語参与者の数を指し、他動詞の文法数は目的語参与者の複数性または動作の複数回の結果を指す。
   p. 1.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. The plural of the intransitive verb soyne is soyenpa, where an e is inserted between y and n because the sequence *soyn-pa is illicit under Ainu syllable phonotactics.
   自動詞 soyne の複数形は soyenpa であり、アイヌ語の音節構造上 *soyn-pa が許容されないため、y と n の間に e が挿入されていると考えられる。
   p. 20.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu soynesoyenpa

Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental 3

1. Nominative, accusative, and genitive cases are absent in Ainu.
   アイヌ語には主格、対格、属格が存在しない。
   p. 1.4 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. The Saru dialect of Ainu distinguishes at least 12 cases, classified into postpositional adverbs and postpositional particles.
   アイヌ語沙流方言には少なくとも12の格があり、後置副詞と後置助詞に分類される。
   p. 1.4 membership reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru
3. Many postpositional adverbs in Ainu originate in verbs or adverbs and can take personal affixes for A or for O.
   アイヌ語の多くの後置副詞は動詞または副詞に由来し、AまたはOの人称接辞をとることができる。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu eunanirenkaynepak-notura

The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism 2

1. In Saru Ainu, instead of combining the first-person singular subject prefix ku- and the second-person singular object prefix e- into *ku-e, the second-person plural marker eci- is used instead.
   沙流方言のアイヌ語では、1人称単数主語接頭辞ku-と2人称単数目的語接頭辞e-を組み合わせて*ku-eとする代わりに、通常は2人称複数主語/目的語の標識であるeci-を用いる。
   p. 1.4 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru eci-ku-e-
2. In Sakhalin Ainu, nouns with the second-person plural prefix eci- often co-occur with the plural suffix -hcin, as in eci-macihi-hcin 'your wives'.
   樺太アイヌ語において、二人称複数接頭辞 eci- を持つ名詞は複数接尾辞 -hcin と共起することが比較的多い（例：eci-macihi-hcin「お前たちの妻たち」）。
   p. 20.6 distribution asserts anchored · anchor 100% sakhalin eci--hcin

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 3

1. The fourth person prefix set in Ainu functions as first-person plural inclusive, indefinite or impersonal passive, second-person honorific, and logophoric.
   アイヌ語のいわゆる4人称接辞体系は、1人称複数包括、不定あるいは非人称受動、2人称敬称、およびロゴフォリックとして機能する。
   p. 1.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. The fourth person verbal indexing displays tripartite alignment: a- for transitive subject (A) and possessor, -an for intransitive subject (S), and i- for object (O).
   4人称の動詞標示は三分法アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語（A）および所有者にはa-、自動詞主語（S）には-an、目的語（O）にはi-が用いられる。
   p. 1.4 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu a--ani-
3. In many dialects, intransitive verbs occur only in their plural form when used with the fourth-person personal affix.
   多くの方言において、自動詞は人称接辞の四人称とともに用いられる際、複数形のみをとる。
   p. 20.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 3

1. First-person plural exclusive verbal marking exhibits tripartite alignment, with ci- for A (and possessor), -as for S, and un- for O.
   1人称複数除外の動詞標示は三分法アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語A（および所有者）にはci-、自動詞主語Sには-as、目的語Oにはun-を用いる。
   p. 1.4 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ci--asun-
2. The transitive prefix c(i)- is the first-person plural exclusive marker, but is also used for first-person singular reference when a god speaks in kamuy yukar.
   他動詞接頭辞 c(i)- は一人称複数排他標識であるが、カムイユカラにおいて神が自身を語る際には一人称単数の意味でも用いられる。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ci-c-
3. The vowel /i/ of the first-person prefix ci- drops out when attached to stems that begin with a vowel.
   一人称接頭辞 ci- の母音 /i/ は、母音で始まる語幹に付加されると脱落する。
   p. 20.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ci-c-

The Split-Intransitive (Active–Stative) Core 1

1. First-person singular verbal marking shows nominative-accusative alignment with ku- for S/A and en- for O, while second person (e-, eci-) and third person (zero) are neutral.
   1人称単数の動詞標示は主格・対格アラインメント（S/Aにku-、Oにen-）を示し、2人称（e-、eci-）と3人称（ゼロ）は中立型である。
   p. 1.4 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ku-en-e-eci-

Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns 1

1. Independent personal pronouns in Ainu are all neutral with respect to S, A, and O alignment.
   アイヌ語の独立人称代名詞は、S、A、Oのアラインメントに関してすべて中立型である。
   p. 1.4 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kánicókaeanieciokásinumaokaaokaasinuma

Pragmatic Word-Order Permutation, Dislocation, and Argument Ellipsis 1

1. A right dislocation construction occurs in Ainu where a nounless verb phrase is used first and its subject or object is disambiguated afterwards by placing it as the subject or object of the transitive light verb ki 'do'.
   アイヌ語では名詞句を伴わない動詞句を先に発話し、その主語または目的語を後から他動詞的軽動詞ki「する」の主語や目的語として後置・脱臼させる構文が存在する。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ki

The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 3

1. There are three applicative prefixes in Ainu: instrumental e-, dative ko-, and locative o-.
   アイヌ語には道具のe-、与格のko-、場所のo-という3つの適用接頭辞が存在する。
   p. 1.4 membership proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu e-ko-o-
2. Applicatives in Ainu are allowed with almost all verb classes except at the extreme ends of the transitivity hierarchy (meteorological, bodily processes, and change-of-state verbs at one end, and effective action verbs at the other).
   アイヌ語の適用態は、他動性階層の両極端（一方の気象動詞、身体生理動詞、状態変化動詞、もう一方の効果的動作動詞）を除き、ほぼすべての動詞クラスで許容される。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. Applicative prefixes in Ainu can attach to certain unaccusative verbs, such as e-ray 'die at some place' from ray 'die' and o-rer 'sink into sth' from rer 'sink'.
   アイヌ語の適用接頭辞は、ray「死ぬ」からe-ray「〜で死ぬ」、rer「沈む」からo-rer「〜に沈む」のように、一部の非対格動詞にも付加される。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu raye-rayrero-rer

Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate 1

1. In Ainu, an adjunct cannot be directly incorporated into a verb without first being promoted to a direct object via an applicative prefix.
   アイヌ語では付加語を直接動詞に抱合することはできず、抱合されるためにはまず適用接頭辞によって直接目的語へ昇格されなければならない。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding 1

1. Ainu exhibits valency-decreasing S-incorporation with natural phenomena nouns resulting in zero-valency verbs, valency-retaining S-incorporation with body part nouns, and valency-decreasing A-incorporation with natural phenomena and insect nouns.
   アイヌ語には、零結合価動詞を生じる自然現象名詞を伴う結合価低減的S抱合、身体部位名詞を伴う結合価維持的S抱合、および（超）自然現象や昆虫名詞を伴う結合価低減的A抱合が存在する。
   p. 1.4 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu sir-wentas-u-tuykem-noye

The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template 1

1. Ainu verbal structure has a mixed templatic and scopal organization, where the suffixed domain is templatic and the prefixed domain is scopal.
   アイヌ語の動詞構造はスコーパル（作用域的）かつテンプラティック（スロット的）な混合組織を持ち、接尾辞部分はテンプラティックであり、接頭辞部分はスコーパルである。
   p. 1.4 analysis reports checked · anchor 100% ainu

Light Verbs, Pro-Verbs, and the Auxiliary-Verb Construction 1

1. Auxiliary verbs in Ainu, which follow main verbs and are unmarked for person, can cliticize directly to the main verb.
   本動詞の後に続き人称標示をとらないアイヌ語の補助動詞は、本動詞に直接接語化（接辞化）することができる。
   p. 1.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu rusuymoyre

Written Sources: Grammars, Dictionaries, and the Philological Record 16

1. There are very few reliable and sizable documents of the Ainu language dating back as far as the 17th century or the first half of the 18th century.
   17世紀あるいは18世紀前半にまで遡る信頼できかつある程度の分量をもつアイヌ語資料はきわめて少ない。
   p. 3.1 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Moshiogusa, published in 1792, is the first Ainu dictionary in the world.
   1792年に刊行された『もしほ草』は、世界最初のアイヌ語辞典である。
   p. 3.1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. In the earliest Japanese documents of Ainu, such as Matsumae no kotoba and Ezo-kotoba, Ainu words as well as Japanese are written with hiragana, including hentaigana.
   『松前ノ言葉』や『蝦夷言葉』のような日本の最初期のアイヌ語資料では、日本語と同様にアイヌ語も変体仮名を含む平仮名で書かれている。
   p. 3.1 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. In early Japanese documents recording Ainu, the hentaigana characters 川 (tsu) and 志 (shi) are used more frequently to transcribe Ainu than Japanese.
   アイヌ語を記録した初期の日本語資料では、変体仮名の「川」(つ)や「志」(し)が日本語の表記よりもアイヌ語の表記において多く用いられている。
   p. 3.1 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
5. In later Edo-era documents, Ainu tends to be written with katakana, whereas Japanese is generally written with Chinese characters and hiragana.
   その後の江戸時代の文献では、日本語が一般に漢字と平仮名で書かれるのに対し、アイヌ語は片仮名で表記される傾向がある。
   p. 3.1 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
6. In the Edo-period text Ezo chiyaranke narabini jōrurigen, the Ainu syllable tu is transcribed with the kana sequence トウ, as in ヱホマトウ for ehomatu 'to be surprised at'.
   江戸時代の文献『蝦夷談判並浄瑠璃言』において、当時の日本語にはない音の組み合わせであるアイヌ語の音節 tu は、ehomatu「驚く」を表す「ヱホマトウ」のように仮名「トウ」で書き表されている。
   p. 3.6 other asserts anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido tuehomatu
7. The modern Ainu form iwanpe 'six' may historically have had a shape like *iwanp or *iwanpə, as suggested by the 17th-century kana spelling yuwanfu in Matsumae no kotoba.
   17世紀の『松前ノ言』における「ゆ王んふ（yuwanfu）」という表記から、現代アイヌ語の iwanpe「6」はかつて *iwanp または *iwanpə のような形であった可能性がある。
   p. 3.2 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu iwanpe✶iwanp✶iwanpə
8. Whereas okkay in modern Ainu usually means 'adult man', in 17th-century documents such as Angelis's record and Matsumae no kotoba it meant 'young man, boy'.
   現代アイヌ語において okkay は通常「成人男性」を意味するが、アンジェリスの記録や『松前ノ言』といった17世紀の資料では「若い男、少年」と説明されていた。
   p. 3.2 diachrony asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu okkay
9. In the early 18th century, the Ainu pronunciation of hu was either [hu] or [xu], rather than the modern pronunciation [ɸu].
   18世紀初頭のアイヌ語における hu の発音は、現代の [ɸu] ではなく [hu] または [xu] であった。
   p. 3.3 diachrony asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu hu
10. The root rep 'center of hearth or sea' may historically have contained a consonant *H (*reHp), as evidenced by the spelling 'あへ連んほう' (aherenhou) in Ezo kotoba.
    『犾言葉』における「あへ連んほう (aherenhou)」という表記は、語根 rep「炉の中心または海」がかつて *reHp のように未知の子音 *H を含んでいた可能性を示している。
    p. 3.3 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu rep✶reHp✶H
11. Ezo sōshi (1790) employs the special kana character ト゜ to transcribe the syllable /tu/.
    『蝦夷草紙』（1790年）では、音節 /tu/ を表記するために特殊な仮名文字「ト゜」が用いられている。
    p. 3.3 other asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu tu
12. Ezo kotoba irohabiki (1848), compiled by Kizaemon Itoya in Otaru, contains forms of an extinct west-coast Hokkaido Ainu dialect arranged by the Japanese Iroha syllabary.
    糸屋喜左衛門が小樽で著した『蝦夷言いろは引』（1848年）には、日本語のいろは順に配列された、絶滅した北海道西海岸方言の形式が含まれている。
    p. 3.4 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido
13. Matsumae no kotoba (17th c.) contains kana spellings such as 連いら (reira) for modern réra 'wind' and てい多 (teita) for modern téta 'here', suggesting long vowels that are absent in modern Hokkaido Ainu.
    『松前の言』（17世紀）には、現代北海道アイヌ語の réra「風」に対する「連いら」（reira）や téta「ここ」に対する「てい多」（teita）など、現代北海道アイヌ語には存在しない長母音を示唆する表記が含まれている。
    p. 3.5 existence reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido reirarérateitatéta
14. Old Japanese documents frequently record modern Hokkaido Ainu tókap 'daytime' with kana spellings indicating a long first syllable, such as とふかつふ (tofukatsufu) or トーガプ (toogapu).
    日本の古文書において、現代北海道アイヌ語の tókap「昼」は「とふかつふ」（tofukatsufu）や「トーガプ」（toogapu）のように第1音節の長音を示す仮名表記で頻繁に記録されている。
    p. 3.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido tókap
15. In early Japanese documents such as Ezo kotoba (1704), Matsumae no kotoba, and Ezoki (1795), the coda /r/ in pirka 'good' is predominantly written with the kana る (ru) or ル (ru), rather than り (ri) or リ (ri).
    『蝦夷言葉』（1704年）、『松前の言』、『蝦夷記』（1795年）などの初期の文献において、pirka「良い」の末子音 /r/ は「り／リ」ではなく圧倒的に仮名「る／ル」で表記されている。
    p. 3.5 distribution asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu pirka
16. In contrast to pirka 'good', other words containing /ir/ such as sirkunne 'dark', sir 'land', and kikir 'bug' are consistently written in early Japanese documents with kana り (ri) or 里 (ri), never る (ru).
    pirka「良い」とは対照的に、sirkunne「暗い」、sir「大地」、kikir「虫」など /ir/ を含む他の語は、初期文献において一貫して仮名「り／里」で書かれ、「る」で書かれることはない。
    p. 3.5 distribution asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu sirkunnekikirsirmosir

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 4

1. The 'long' vowel notations in old documents for words like tókap 'daytime' should be interpreted as redundant intonational lengthening deriving from accent rather than a phonological vowel length contrast.
   tókap「昼」のような語における古文書の「長母音」表記は、音韻的な母音長短の対立を示すものではなく、アクセントに由来する余剰的なイントネーション上の特徴と解釈すべきである。
   p. 3.5 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido tókapto
2. In Hokkaido Ainu, compounds of CV plus 'VCV regularly exhibit accent on the initial syllable rather than the regular second syllable (e.g., ka + 'eka -> ká'eka 'to twist thread').
   北海道アイヌ語において、CVに'VCVが後続する複合語は通常の第2音節ではなく規則的に第1音節にアクセントをもつ（例：ka ＋ 'eka → ká'eka「糸を縒る」）。
   p. 3.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido ka'ekaká'eka
3. In words of three or more syllables that do not have the accent on the first syllable in Yakumo Ainu, the accent falls on the third syllable instead of the second, unless the second syllable is closed.
   八雲方言では、第1音節にアクセントがない3音節以上の語において、第2音節が閉音節でない限り、アクセントは第2音節ではなく第3音節に置かれる。
   p. 20.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/yakumo
4. In a few lexical exceptions, accent falls on the first syllable even though it has an open CV structure, such as réra 'wind', húra 'smell', húre 'red', and kéra 'taste'.
   少数の語彙的例外において、開音節 CV であるにもかかわらず第1音節にアクセントが置かれる（例：réra「風」、húra「匂い」、húre「赤い」、kéra「味」など）。
   p. 20.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu rérahúrahúrekéra

Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes 5

1. Long vowels in Hokkaido Ainu were never an archaic Proto-Ainu property, but rather a temporary, redundant secondary development that was subsequently lost without becoming phonemically distinctive.
   北海道アイヌ語における長母音は祖アイヌ語の古い特徴ではなく、一時的な余剰的二次発達にすぎず、音韻的対立をなさずに最終的に消失した。
   p. 3.5 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido
2. To explain the exceptional first-syllable accent in CVCV stems such as réra 'wind', an unidentified consonant *H can be reconstructed in the proto-form, as in *reHra.
   réra「風」のようなCVCV語幹における第1音節の例外的なアクセントを説明するために、祖形に *reHra のような未知の子音 *H を再構することができる。
   p. 3.5 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu réra*reHra
3. Hattori (1967) proposes that Proto-Ainu lacked distinctive pitch accent but possessed distinctive vowel length, which later developed into pitch accent in Hokkaido Ainu.
   服部（1967）は、祖アイヌ語には弁別的なピッチアクセントはなく母音の長短対立が存在し、それが北海道アイヌ語においてアクセントの対立へと変化したと推定している。
   p. 3.5 diachrony reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. Satō (2016b) claims that the phonological vowel length opposition in Sakhalin Ainu is a secondary development rather than an archaic retention from Proto-Ainu.
   佐藤（2016b）は服部（1967）とは対照的に、樺太方言における母音長短の対立は祖アイヌ語からの保持ではなく二次的発達であると主張している。
   p. 3.5 diachrony reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
5. To explain the kana spelling piruka for pirka 'good' as opposed to shiri- for sir, it is proposed that pirka historically contained an intervening consonant *H (*piHrka) that prevented the palatalization of /r/ by /i/.
   sir に対する「志り」と pirka に対する「ぴるか」という仮名表記の違いを説明するために、pirka には歴史的に介在子音 *H（*piHrka）が存在し、それによって /i/ による /r/ の口蓋化が阻害されたという仮説が提案されている。
   p. 3.5 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu pirka*piHrkasir

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 1

1. In modern Hokkaido Ainu dialects, an independent (C)V morpheme is phonetically lengthened when standalone but pronounced short in a compound, possessing no phonological vowel length contrast.
   現代北海道アイヌ語諸方言において、独立した(C)V形態素は単独では音声的に長母音として発音されるが、複合語内では短母音として発音されるため、音韻的な母音長短の対立は存在しない。
   p. 3.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido só

Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison 4

1. In modern Sakhalin Ainu dialects, an independent (C)V morpheme is phonologically (C)VV and always pronounced long, both independently and as a constituent of a compound.
   現代樺太アイヌ語諸方言において、(C)V形の独立形態素は単独であっても複合語の構成要素であっても常に長母音として発音され、音韻論的には(C)VVと解釈される。
   p. 3.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
2. A Hokkaido Ainu form with an accented first syllable (C)VCV(C) generally corresponds to (C)VVCV(C) with a long vowel in Sakhalin Ainu (e.g. Hokkaido réra vs. Sakhalin reera 'wind').
   北海道アイヌ語で第1音節にアクセントをもつ(C)VCV(C)形は、樺太アイヌ語において長母音をもつ(C)VVCV(C)形に概ね対応する（例：北海道 réra に対して樺太 reera「風」）。
   p. 3.5 paradigm-cell reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaidosakhalin kaareeraréra
3. In Sakhalin Ainu, long vowels in independent words alternate with short vowels in compounds, as in nii 'tree' versus 'ah-ni 'Manchurian elm'.
   樺太アイヌ語では、独立形の長母音が複合語内で短母音と交替することがあり、例えば nii「木」に対して 'ah-ni「ハルニレ」が挙げられる。
   p. 3.5 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin nii'ah-ni
4. In Sakhalin Ainu, when a stem beginning with /'V/ follows a CVV stem, the compound surfaces as CV'V rather than *CVV'V (e.g. kaa + 'ama -> ka'ama 'to set a snare').
   樺太アイヌ語において、/'V/ で始まる語幹が CVV 語幹に後続すると、合成形は *CVV'V ではなく CV'V となる（例：kaa ＋ 'ama → ka'ama「罠を仕掛ける」）。
   p. 3.5 alternation reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin kaa'amaka'ama

Japanese Loanwords and Their Phonological Adaptation 1

1. The Sakhalin Ainu word tuuki 'sake cup' is a loanword from Japanese (Old Japanese tuki HL) whose long vowel /uu/ developed secondarily from an accented open initial syllable.
   樺太アイヌ語の tuuki「杯」は日本語（上代日本語 tuki HL）からの借用語であり、その長母音 /uu/ はアクセントのある第1開音節から二次的に生じたものである。
   p. 3.5 diachrony asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin tuukitúki

Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints 2

1. The phonotactic sequence *VC'V is not permissible word-internally across Ainu dialects.
   *VC'V という連続は、アイヌ語諸方言を通じて語内部で生起が許容されない。
   p. 3.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Because the syllable shape /suw/ is prohibited in Ainu, the combination /suw-pa/ from root √suw becomes /su-pa/.
   アイヌ語では音節構造 /suw/ が許容されないため、語根 √suw からの /suw-pa/ は /su-pa/ となる。
   p. 20.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu suwesupa

Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry 1

1. The Chitose dialect belongs to a southern subgroup of the Southwestern Hokkaido Ainu group.
   千歳方言は北海道南西部アイヌ語群の南部下位方言群に属する。
   p. 20.1 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest

The Oral-Literature Genre System and Its Grammatical Signatures 2

1. The kamuy yukar (divine epic) genre contains melody, meter, and a refrain (sakehe).
   神謡（カムイユカラ）ジャンルは節、韻律、そして折り返し（サケヘ）を含む。
   p. 20.1 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kamuy yukarsakehe
2. The ucaskuma genre of oral tradition is a non-rhythmic prose genre characterized by third-person narration that recounts the vicissitudes of humans.
   口承文芸のウチャシクマ（ucaskuma）は、散文（非韻律）ジャンルに属し、三人称の語りを特徴とし、人間の体験や出来事を語る。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ucaskumaupaskuma

The Sakehe Refrain, Verse Meter, and the Structure of Sung Verse 1

1. The refrain (sakehe) in divine epics usually provides rhythm and does not necessarily have a meaning.
   神謡における折り返し（サケヘ）は通例リズムを与え、必ずしも意味を持つとは限らない。
   p. 20.2 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu sakehe

The Latin Phonemic Transcription 1

1. The Latin character /c/ expresses the phonetic realization [tʃ].
   ラテン文字 /c/ は音声実現 [tʃ] を表す。
   p. 20.2 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu c

The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question 2

1. The phonological status of the glottal stop is unclear in the Chitose dialect.
   千歳方言において声門閉鎖音の音韻的地位は明確ではない。
   p. 20.2 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose '
2. Cases of h-insertion are restricted to specific morphological contexts such as possessive formation.
   h挿入の事例は、所有形形成などの特定の形態論的文脈に限定される。
   p. 20.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -ha-hi

The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition 1

1. The word ekimne can function both as an intransitive verb meaning 'to go to the mountains to hunt' and as an adverb meaning 'to the mountains to hunt'.
   語 ekimne は「山へ狩りに行く」を意味する自動詞としても、「山へ狩りに」を意味する副詞としても機能する。
   p. 20.2 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose ekimne

Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation 1

1. The word ekimne may be divided into morphemes as e-kim-ne (head.POSS.PF-mountains-COP).
   語 ekimne は e-kim-ne（頭部所属形接頭辞-山-コピュラ）として形態素分割され得る。
   p. 20.2 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose ekimnee-kimne

Phasal, Iterative, and Habitual Aspect 3

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, the construction wa isam following a notional verb encodes conclusive aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、概念動詞に後続する wa isam 構文は完了的終結相（conclusive aspect）を標示する。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% sakhalin wa isam
2. In Sakhalin Ainu, the verbal suffix -pa encodes iterative aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、動詞接尾辞 -pa は反復相（iterative aspect）を標示する。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -pa
3. In Sakhalin Ainu, teh an following a notional verb expresses perfective aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、概念動詞に後続する teh an は完了相（perfective aspect）を表す。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% sakhalin teh an

The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect 2

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, an following a notional verb expresses imperfective aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、概念動詞に後続する an は非完了相（imperfective aspect）を表す。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% sakhalin an
2. In Sakhalin Ainu, the constructions kusu an and kusu okay encode progressive aspect.
   樺太アイヌ語において、kusu an および kusu okay 構文は進行相（progressive aspect）を標示する。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% sakhalin kusu ankusu okay

The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization 1

1. The Kuril variety of Ainu disappeared in the beginning of the 20th century.
   千島アイヌ語は20世紀初頭に消滅した。
   p. 20.6 other asserts checked · anchor 100% kuril

Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields 1

1. Ainu strictly differentiates between two types of grass: kina 'edible grass' and mun 'inedible grass'.
   アイヌ語は2種類の草を厳密に区別しており、kina は「可食の草」、mun は「不可食の草」を指す。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kinamun

Interrogative, Indefinite, and Negative-Polarity Pro-forms 1

1. In Sakhalin dialects, the interrogatives are hemata 'what' and naata 'who', and the indefinites are neeranpe (ka) 'something' and naata (ka) 'somebody'.
   樺太方言において、疑問詞は hemata「何」と naata「誰」であり、不定辞は neeranpe (ka)「何か」と naata (ka)「誰か」である。
   p. 20.6 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin hematanaataneeranpeneeranpe kanaata ka

The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur) 1

1. In Hokkaido dialects, a verb phrase can be followed by the formal nouns hi and pe.
   北海道方言において、動詞句は形式名詞 hi および pe を後続させることができる。
   p. 20.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido hipe

Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question 1

1. When the prefixes i- (indefinite object) or u- (reciprocal) occur intervocalically in an accent-bearing position, they turn into a glide and form a syllable with the following vowel.
   接頭辞 i-（不定目的語）または u-（相互）がアクセント担持位置で母音間に現れる場合、半母音化して後続母音と一つの音節を形成する。
   p. 20.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu i-u-

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 1

1. The causative suffix surfaces as -re after roots ending in a vowel or /y/, as -e after roots ending in /r/, and as -te after roots ending in other consonants.
   使役接尾辞は、母音または /y/ で終わる語根の後では -re、/r/ で終わる語根の後では -e、それ以外の子音で終わる語根の後では -te として現れる。
   p. 20.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te

The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar 1

1. The causative suffix -yar is realized as -yar after stems ending in vowels and as -ar after stems ending in consonants.
   使役接尾辞 -yar は、母音で終わる語幹の後では -yar、子音で終わる語幹の後では -ar として実現する。
   p. 20.6 alternation asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu -yar-ar

Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization 1

1. The inflectional person prefix a- does not affect accent placement at all and can be analyzed as extrametrical.
   屈折接頭辞 a- はアクセント配置に全く影響を与えず、外延的（extrametrical）であるとみなすことができる。
   p. 20.6 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu a-

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

1. In Ainu, compound nouns of the type 'object + transitive verb + noun' are common, whereas 'subject + transitive verb + noun' compounds do not occur.
   アイヌ語では「目的語＋他動詞＋名詞」型の複合名詞は一般的であるが、「主語＋他動詞＋名詞」型の複合名詞は見られない。
   p. 20.6 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Negative Existential and Possessive: isam 1

1. The verb isam is a lexical negative verb that inherently incorporates the meaning of negation.
   動詞 isam は語彙的否定動詞であり、否定の概念がその意味自体に含まれている。
   p. 20.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu isam

Chapters citing this source

Examples cited from this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. The object of description is the language's phonological, morphological, morphosyntactic, and discourse structure as documented across the Hokkaido dialect cluster — principally Saru, Chitose, Shizunai, Tokachi, Horobetsu, Mukawa, and Ishikari — drawing on the full range of prior scholarship from Kindaichi and Chiri through the modern reference grammars of Tamura ; , Refsing , Shibatani , Satō , Bugaeva , and Nakagawa . no page Aims, Scope, and Design Philosophy of This Grammar
2. The Bugaeva Handbook supplies extensive English coverage across topics from phonetics to oral literature and from Hokkaido to Sakhalin . no page Aims, Scope, and Design Philosophy of This Grammar
3. Hokkaido Ainu has no demonstrated genetic relationship with any other language family ; . Ch.1 §1 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
4. Bugaeva's analysis frames Ainu as "a head-marking language of the Pacific Rim" — after the framework of — and treats the structural mismatch between Ainu's head-marking profile and the dependent-marking profile of all its geographical neighbours as a positive argument against relatedness . Ch.1 §2, §7 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
5. Head-marking is "well attested in the Americas and Melanesia but vanishingly rare elsewhere" and characterizes the Greater Pacific Rim (GPR) macroarea — a population of languages whose distribution Nichols traces back more than ten millennia . Ch.1 §2 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
6. The head/dependent-marking parameter is among the most diachronically stable typological features known ; its consistent divergence between Ainu and every language proposed as its relative accordingly constitutes evidence independent of the lexical record . Ch.1 §7 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
7. In a single typological characterization: Hokkaido Ainu is SOV, agglutinating, polysynthetic, incorporating, and head-marking at both clause and phrase level ; . Ch.1 §1 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
8. Hokkaido Ainu shows the head-marking correlates and lacks all the dependent-marking ones across both clause and noun phrase ; . Ch.1 §7 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
9. Third-person arguments are zero-indexed; first and second persons carry overt prefixal indexes for A/S and O roles ; ; . Ch.1 §4.1 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
10. Japanese and Korean, Ainu's closest geographical neighbours, pair SOV order with elaborate nominal case systems; Ainu makes the same constituent order work without case, relying entirely on verbal person-indexing and semantics for argument tracking ; . Ch.1 §4.1, §4.4 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
11. WALS-type surveys classify Hokkaido Ainu as "borderline" or "zero" in case inventory . Ch.1 §4.4 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
12. A possessed nominal does not require a case-marked genitive possessor; instead the head noun itself carries two signals of the possessive relation — a personal prefix agreeing with the possessor, and an affiliative suffix marking the noun as standing in a possessed relation ; . Ch.1 §4.4 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
13. Within the nominal domain Ainu distinguishes obligatorily-possessed (inalienable) nouns — body parts, kin terms, and spatial-relational nouns that must carry a possessor — from nouns that are non-possessible . Ch.1 §5.1 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
14. These possessive classes are absent from the surrounding Northeast Asian languages and align Ainu with GPR-type possessive-class systems. Ch.1 §7 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
15. Hokkaido Ainu is genuinely polysynthetic in Nichols' sense of open head-marking: there is no fixed closed paradigm of what categories may accumulate on the verb . Ch.1 §4.7 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
16. Bugaeva's (2022) characterization as "open head-marking" identifies why: the inventory of what may be incorporated or stacked is unconstrained by a fixed paradigm, unlike the closed agreement paradigms of dependent-marking languages ‹contested›. Ch.1 §4.7 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
17. Modifiers precede their nominal heads; subordinate clauses precede the matrix verb; postpositional phrases — built on relational nouns and postpositions — follow the head noun with the adpositional element in final position ; ; . Ch.1 §4.3 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
18. GPR head-marking languages tend toward verb-initial order; Ainu's SOV gives it a surface resemblance to its dependent-marking neighbours (Japanese, Korean, Turkic) that does not extend to structural organization . Ch.1 §4.3, §7 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
19. Bugaeva accounts for this via pragmatic right-dislocation of subject and object NPs: when arguments are shifted rightward for discourse reasons, the resulting surface order approaches verb-initial, aligning Ainu with the pragmatically common patterns of the GPR grouping . Ch.1 §4.3 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
20. This side-encoding — prefix for transitive A, suffix for intransitive S — is the morphological basis on which Bugaeva characterizes the overall system as "mixed, with elements of tripartite alignment" . Ch.1 §1 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
21. A single form-set covers first-person-plural inclusive ('we including you'), indefinite/impersonal agent, second-person honorific address, and logophoric (protagonist) reference in oral-narrative direct speech ; ; . Ch.1 §4.1 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
22. Ainu nouns divide into two classes in the syntax of spatial phrases ; . Ch.1 §4.4 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
23. Property concepts that would be expressed by adjectives in related languages function as stative verbs in Ainu, with no separate adjective class ; this is treated in . Ch.1 §4.4 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
24. Verbal number is separately marked by suppletive singular/plural stem pairs (ek / arki 'come', arpa / paye 'go') and by the pluractional suffix -pa ; ; the full treatment of numeral morphology is in and ; verbal number in . Ch.1 §4.2 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
25. Sources for each feature are given in the preceding sections; primary reference is and . Ch.1 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
26. The Handbook of the Ainu language , which she edited, assembles specialist treatments of every major domain: phonology , verbal valency , dialectology , oral literature , historical and comparative linguistics , and the revitalization movement . no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
27. is a multi-author handbook in the De Gruyter Mouton series on the Japanese language and linguistics (HJLL 12). no page Written Sources: Grammars, Dictionaries, and the Philological Record
28. This transcription is the standard now used in Hokkaido Ainu descriptive linguistics and in the major reference works that underpin this grammar: , , , and . no page The Latin Phonemic Transcription
29. Most reference works in the literature — including , , and — do not mark accent on forms cited in grammatical discussion, and the present grammar follows that tradition in its non-prosodic chapters. no page The Latin Phonemic Transcription
30. It has never been universal: Tamura's dictionary and papers print inflected forms solid or hyphenated, Refsing and Satō use hyphens for all bound morphemes (ku-kor wa k-ek), and Ijäs follows the hyphen practice; Nakagawa and the Handbook tradition use =, and it is adopted here. no page The Latin Phonemic Transcription
31. The table below maps this grammar's graphemes to the IPA and to the conventions used in the four main reference works: Tamura , Satō , Nakagawa , and the Handbook of the Ainu Language . no page The Latin Phonemic Transcription
32. A parallel situation is found in several languages of Mesoamerica, where the same class of inalienably-possessed nominal forms — often glossed as 'relational nouns' in the descriptive literature — occupies this intermediate position between noun and adposition . no page Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms
33. The Handbook goes further, applying the label "word-classifiers" to to 'X days' and suy 'X times', and speculates about remnants of an earlier, more elaborate classifier system — though the passage is labelled as speculation in the source . no page The Vigesimal Numeral System
34. The typology chapter of frames the picture differently: it refers to -p/-pe and -n/-iw as "counters" and to to and suy as "word-classifiers", speculating that these may be remnants of a formerly more elaborate noun-classifier system (Handbook 2022, epub — chapter and page are uncalibrated in the current reading). no page Numeral Classifiers, Ordinals, and Quantifier Syntax
35. "It is not necessary in Ainu for a noun phrase that is clear from the context to appear in a sentence, and such a noun phrase is not even represented by a pronoun; even if a verb takes two objects, it is normal for only one of them to be present" — (ch.14, before ex.75). no page Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
36. The pronominal-argument position (associated with Jelinek 1984 and Baker 1988/1996, as framed in ch.1 §4.3) holds that in head-marking languages the bound indexes are the clause's actual arguments and co-referential NPs are mere appositives that lexically qualify them — adjuncts, not arguments. no page Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
37. (ch.1 §4.3) names and entertains the pronominal-argument position but does not adopt it for Ainu. no page Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
38. As (ch.1 §4.4) notes, the mechanism is "particularly relevant when one of the arguments is omitted" — when the non-location NP is null, the locative NP's class alone tells the listener what role the missing argument fills. no page Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
39. Overt NP re-mention is reserved for (re)introduction, contrast, or scene change (ch.14); . no page Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
40. At the same time, within the preverbal field the relative order of noun phrases is controlled by information structure rather than grammatical function: the same three-argument verb epakasnu 'teach' is attested with its arguments in at least four different preverbal sequences in natural speech from a single speaker, and no case particle indicates which NP is subject and which is object ; . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
41. These properties place Ainu in the cross-linguistic neighbourhood of head-marking languages such as Mohawk and Lakhota, whose argument NPs have been analysed as adjuncts to pronominal argument positions inside the verb — the Pronominal-Argument Hypothesis (PAH) as reviewed by . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
42. A separate class of word-order evidence comes from right-dislocation: some Ainu texts place the subject or object NP after the verb, attached via the light verb ki 'do', providing participant specification after the predicate has already established the referential relations . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
43. The standard diagnostics for nonconfigurationality, as applied to Ainu in and , pattern as follows: no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
44. This position is associated with the work of Jelinek and of Baker, as reviewed in and in . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
45. As to Ainu, the latter view seems to fit better because there is an extra <location> elaboration on the noun …" no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
46. Bugaeva reads this as evidence that the noun carries grammatically relevant information about its own argument role, which a purely appositive / PAH NP would not need to do . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
47. Chapter authors should present the classification as a live framing question rather than an established result ‹contested›. no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
48. Ainu therefore substitutes a combination of person-index transparency, lexical semantics, and discourse context for the case-marking and fixed-position strategies that other SOV languages use to track grammatical role across clauses . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
49. Verbal number contributes independently in some environments: the transitive plural stems mark object plurality — rayke → ronnu 'kill' — an ergative-like S≈O≠A pattern in the number system that disambiguates S and O for zero-marked third persons when the count of participants differs (consistent with the community observation by nukopoli, aynu-corpora Discord, 2023-12-12, asserted; ). no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
50. The same split holds whether the host is a single stative stem (poro-p ‘the big one’, pon-pe ‘the small one’) or a full clause (a=e p ‘what one eats’, okay pe ‘what one carries’) ; ; . ch. 14 The Nominalizers -p/-pe and -i/-hi (Participant, Event, Place, Fact)
51. Alienable possession in Hokkaido Ainu is itself expressed by a gapped prenominal relative clause: ku=kor cep 'my fish' is literally '[the fish that I have]', with as the transitive verb and ku= as the 1SG agent ; . ch. 1 Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy
52. Her demonstration that ku=kor cep 'my fish' is itself a relative clause ('the fish that I have') follows the Handbook's alienable-possession analysis ‹consensus›. ch. 1 Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy
53. When that transitivized verb precedes rusuy, the result is an applicative-desiderative expressing desire directed toward an explicit referent: ; no page The Desiderative rusuy
54. Following Tamura’s analysis that the negation of an action is construed as a static state rather than as an event, Takahashi and the Handbook treat the no-only pattern as an asymmetry driven by aspect, with the choice of linker depending on polarity ; . no page Standard Clausal Negation with somo
55. The Handbook flags one isam clause whose lack of an overt personal affix it finds unexpected, against the normal pattern in which the verb does index its subject . no page Negative Existential and Possessive: isam
56. The Handbook restates the same pattern with the coordinated somo ipe somo wakka ku no an ‘neither eating nor drinking’, after Takahashi's analysis of negated subordinate clauses ; . no page Negative-Polarity Indefinites and the Scope of Negation
57. The typological profile of the language states the same fact directly — Ainu has no participles, converbs, or other standard non-finite forms . no page Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
58. This autonomy feeds a genuine disagreement over constituency: Nakagawa declines to posit a clause (節) unit or a main-versus-subordinate division for Ainu, holding that the apparatus cannot be carried over from Japanese or English unchanged, while Refsing and the Handbook describe the same surface domain with terms such as conjunctionalizer, adverbial-clause marker, and subordinate clause ; ; ‹contested›. no page Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
59. Hokkaido Ainu tracks participants across a chain through the obligatory person indexes on each finite verb and through discourse expectation; it has no same-subject/different-subject converb morphology . no page Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
60. The Handbook's descriptive grammar reports that the sequence of a perfective a auxiliary and a connective such as korka, wa, or connective p tends to fall where the scene, topic, or actor of a narrative changes, the perfective marking a situation as completed and cut off from the present ‹speculative›. no page Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
61. The Handbook's claims on negation asymmetry and on the perfective a scene-switch device await verification against the print edition ‹speculative›. no page Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
62. Satō shows that the two clauses joined by wa may have different subjects — unlike Japanese 〜て, which requires coreference — and that fact bears on its analysis as a conjunctive particle rather than a same-subject converb ; . no page Sequential wa and Clause Chaining
63. The language has no converbs, no non-finite verb forms, and no SS/DS feature on any conjunctive particle ; . no page The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage
64. The Handbook's descriptive grammar notes a tendency for the sequence of the perfective auxiliary followed by a connective such as , , or the formal-noun connective to fall at transitions of scene, topic, or acting participant in narrative ‹speculative›. no page The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage
65. The Handbook's descriptive grammar reports that the sequence perfective a plus a connective such as korka, wa, or nominal p tends to fall at points where the scene, topic, or actor of a narrative changes ‹speculative› no page Tail-Head Linkage and Narrative Clause Cohesion
66. Hokkaido Ainu has no morphological switch-reference system: there are no dedicated same-subject or different-subject verb forms, and no converb series whose morphology encodes participant continuity . no page Tail-Head Linkage and Narrative Clause Cohesion
67. At the macro level of episodes, the ruwe ne a p / ruwe ne akusu boundary markers identified in the preceding section tend in corpus narrative to coincide with just those points where the actor or scene changes ‹speculative› no page Tail-Head Linkage and Narrative Clause Cohesion
68. The bound person indices do not encode same-subject versus different-subject across clause junctions, and the clause-linking particles carry no built-in reference-change signal; participant continuity is inferred from index identity and from discourse structure, not marked by a dedicated morpheme ; . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
69. An NP recoverable from context is simply absent, with no pronoun in its place: "it is not necessary in Ainu for a noun phrase that is clear from the context to appear in a sentence, and such a noun phrase is not even represented by a pronoun" ; . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
70. Role is resolved without case marking or fixed word order ; . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
71. Bugaeva takes the location class as evidence that argumenthood is shared between the bound person index and the coreferential NP, since only a semantically contrastive NP can bear this tracking weight . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
72. Bugaeva describes this construction as marking "the point at which the scene, topic, or actor in the story changes," typically followed by the orienting adverb tane 'now' . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
73. Ainu has no morphological switch-reference system ; . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
74. The clause-linking particles wa, hine, kor, and kane are linkers between finite clauses, not non-finite subordinators with an obligatory co-reference specification; and the language has no converbs — non-finite verbal forms that typically carry switch-reference morphology — in the relevant typological sense ; . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
75. And a third-person NP can be placed after the verb and re-predicated by the light verb — a right-dislocation strategy that Bugaeva connects to processing and to the disambiguating function that verb-initial order performs in other head-marking languages . ch.1 §4.3 Pragmatic Word-Order Permutation, Dislocation, and Argument Ellipsis
76. The mirror image of topic-initial order is a pattern documented by Bugaeva in which the predicate comes first and the disambiguating subject or object NP appears after the verb, re-predicated by the light verb . ch.1 §4.3 Pragmatic Word-Order Permutation, Dislocation, and Argument Ellipsis
77. Verb-final Ainu achieves a structurally parallel effect through right-dislocation: the event is predicated and the argument-tracking indices are on the verb; the NP appears afterward as a lexical specification that allows the hearer to recover participant identity . ch.1 §7 Pragmatic Word-Order Permutation, Dislocation, and Argument Ellipsis
78. In the revitalization period it has come into gender-neutral use, recognized by speakers as a shift from traditional practice . no page Gendered Speech and Pragmatic Registers
79. The irankarapte greeting is the clearest documented case; it is possible but undocumented that other sex-specific formulae are similarly shifting ‹speculative›. no page Gendered Speech and Pragmatic Registers
80. The 1795 Edo-period record Ezoki is reported in as describing "a kind of secret language" observed among Ainu speakers — an early external testimony to a restricted speech variety. no page Honorific, Ritual, and Taboo Registers
81. All kinship nouns are obligatorily possessed: they cannot appear without a possessor prefix, and their possessed (affiliative) form is built by the same suffix alternation found on body parts and relational nouns (see ) ; . Ch.1 §5.1 Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields
82. Like kinship terms, they require a possessor and appear in the possessed (affiliative) form; the suffix alternates among -e, -i, and -ihi depending on the noun's final consonant and vowel quality (see ) . Ch.1 §5.1 Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields
83. Body-part nouns are the primary context for S-type noun incorporation with valency-retaining effect: when a body-part noun is incorporated as the S argument of an intransitive verb, the possessor of that body part surfaces as an added participant rather than being absorbed, so the construction gains a slot rather than losing one ; . Ch.1 §4.6 Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields
84. occupies a grammatically and culturally central position: in its unmarked referential use it denotes the brown bear as the foremost hunting deity, but it extends to any powerful supernatural being, to forces that exceed ordinary understanding, and to a range of compounded divine titles . Ch.1 §1 Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields
85. The compound is the standard illustrative example of S-type noun incorporation with a natural-phenomenon subject: the incorporated element fills the S slot of the intransitive stative , producing a valency-canceling effect in which the incorporated noun — not an independent NP — bears the subject role . Ch.1 §4.6 Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields
86. The principal suppletive pairs are /, /, and / ; . Ch.1 §4.2 Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields
87. The concept form versus the affiliative (possessed) form is defined in ; the English label POSS here corresponds to what the Japanese tradition calls 所属形 shozokuei, sometimes rendered AFF (affiliative) in English-medium work . no page Abbreviations and Glossing-Symbol Conventions