22. Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question

The analytical question 3 claims ·9 sentences

What are the two competing analyses for word-final vowel-plus-y/w sequences in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. The inventory and number of semivowels are identical across all dialects.
   半母音に関しては種類と数はどの方言も全く同じである。
   distribution ainu all yw
   asserts itabashi2001
   • itabashi2001 asserts checked
2. The glide /w/ is [w] at syllable onset and weakens at syllable coda; careful [-uʔV] may alternate with rapid speech [-uwV].
   /w/ は音節頭では [w]、音節末では弱くなり、丁寧に発音するときは [-uʔV]、早く発音するときは [-uwV] と言うことがある。
   alternation sakhalin generic /w/
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:2 asserts checked
3. The glide /y/ is [j] at syllable onset and weakens at syllable coda; careful [-Vʔi] becomes [-Vy] in rapid speech.
   /y/ は音節頭では [j]、音節末では弱くなり、丁寧な発音の [-Vʔi] は早く発音されると [-Vy] になる。
   alternation sakhalin generic /y/
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:2 asserts checked

The consonant analysis 9 claims ·2 sentences

What evidence supports treating post-vocalic y and w as coda consonants in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. Semivowelization occurs in clusters such as -n + s- becoming -ys-, -V + 'i- becoming -Vy-, -V + 'u- becoming -Vw-, -V + 'a becoming -Vya-, and 'u + 'V- becoming -wVV-.
   -n + s- が -ys- に、-V + 'i- が -Vy- に、-V + 'u- が -Vw- に、-V + 'a が -Vya- に、'u + 'V- が -wVV- に半母音化する。
   alternation sakhalin generic -ys--Vy--Vw--Vya--wVV-
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:89 asserts checked
2. Phonetically /-y/ is almost identical to [i], but phonologically it behaves as a consonant that forms a single syllable with the preceding vowel, cannot bear accent, and is pronounced more weakly than /i/.
   /-y/ は発音上はほとんど /i/ と同じだが、音韻論的には子音扱いであり、前の母音と一緒にひとつの音節を形成し、アクセントが載ることもなく、/i/ より弱く発音される。
   form-function ainu all -yaynukamuy
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:31 asserts checked
3. Phonetically /-w/ is almost identical to [u], but phonologically it behaves as a consonant that forms a single syllable with the preceding vowel, cannot bear accent, and is pronounced more weakly than /u/.
   /-w/ は発音上はほとんど /u/ と同じだが、音韻論的には子音扱いであり、前の母音と一緒にひとつの音節になり、アクセントが載ることもなく、/u/ より弱く発音される。
   form-function ainu all -wohawkewtum
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:31 asserts checked
4. A transitional glide (watari) between vowels is not a phoneme, so non-phonemic [y] and [w] appearing between vowels are not written in phonemic transcription.
   音素間の移行部で生じる「わたり」は音素ではないため、母音間に現れるわたりとみなされる [y] や [w] は音素表記されない。
   analysis ainu all yw
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:34 asserts checked
5. The transitional [y] in [iyomante] (from prefix /i-/ and verb /omante/) and [w] in [uwenewsar] (from prefixes /u-/, /e-/ and verb /newsar/) are non-phonemic glides and are transcribed phonemically as /iomante/ and /uenewsar/.
   [iyomante]（接頭辞 /i-/＋動詞 /omante/）の [y] や [uwenewsar]（接頭辞 /u-/、/e-/＋動詞 /newsar/）の [w] はわたり音であり、音韻的にはそれぞれ /iomante/、/uenewsar/ と表記される。
   form-function ainu example_only iomanteuenewsaromantenewsari-u-
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:34 asserts checked
6. The word for 'eloquence' has the stem /paw/ rather than pa with an epenthetic glide, meaning there are two roots for 'mouth': /pa/ and /paw/.
   「雄弁」の語幹はわたりではなく音素 /w/ を含む /paw/ であり、「口」の語根としては /pa/ と /paw/ の二つが存在する。
   analysis ainu all papawpawetokpawasnu
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:35 asserts checked
7. The [w] in /iwor/ 'hunting ground' is the realization of the phoneme /w/, not a transitional glide.
   「猟場」を表す /iwor/ の [w] はわたりではなく、音素 /w/ の実現した形である。
   analysis ainu all iwor
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:35 asserts checked
8. The phonemic form of the verb for 'to hurt' is /iunin/, and the phonetic [y] in [iyunin] is a transitional glide rather than a phoneme.
   「痛む」という動詞の音韻形は /iunin/ であり、[iyunin] の [y] は音素ではなくわたり音である。
   analysis hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/saru all iunin
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:40 asserts checked
9. In the y:w consonant alternation, Yakumo characteristically takes w where other dialects take y, and Horobetsu and Obihiro take y where other dialects take w.
   子音交替 y:w において、他方言が y を持つところで八雲が w を持ち、他方言が w を持つところで幌別と帯広が y を持つことが特徴的である。
   alternation hokkaido/southwest/yakumohokkaido/southwest/horobetsuhokkaido/central/tokachi generic puyárpuwársuyópsuwóp
   asserts nakagawafukazawa2022
   • nakagawafukazawa2022:8.3 asserts checked

Nominalizer allomorphy 6 sentences

What conditions the allomorphy of the nominalizer suffix -p/-pe in Hokkaido Ainu?

Plural-suffix allomorphy 3 sentences

What determines the allomorphy of the distributive plural suffix -te/-re in Hokkaido Ainu?

Syllabification and pitch-accent placement 1 claims ·7 sentences

How does first-syllable weight determine pitch-accent placement in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. When the prefixes i- (indefinite object) or u- (reciprocal) occur intervocalically in an accent-bearing position, they turn into a glide and form a syllable with the following vowel.
   接頭辞 i-（不定目的語）または u-（相互）がアクセント担持位置で母音間に現れる場合、半母音化して後続母音と一つの音節を形成する。
   alternation ainu all i-u-
   asserts bugaeva2022
   • bugaeva2022:20.6 asserts checked

The diphthong analysis 10 claims ·10 sentences

How did early researchers analyze word-final vowel-plus-y/w sequences in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. In syllable-final position, semivowels /w/ and /y/ are realized as [u] and [i], forming diphthongs with the preceding vowel.
   音節末尾において、半母音 /w/ と /y/ は [u] および [i] として実現され、先行する母音とともに二重母音を形成する。
   alternation hokkaido all wy
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:68 asserts checked
   • refsing1986:68 asserts checked
2. In Hokkaido Ainu, the semivowels /y, w/ serve as the second vowel of a diphthong in syllable-coda position.
   北海道アイヌ語において、半母音/y, w/は音節末では重母音の第二母音となる。
   distribution hokkaido all ywtoypewreyawen
   asserts itabashi2001
   • itabashi2001 asserts checked
3. In Sakhalin Ainu, the semivowels /y/ and /w/ function as the second vowel of a diphthong in syllable-final position.
   樺太アイヌ語において、半母音/y, w/は音節末では重母音の第二母音となる。
   distribution sakhalin all yw
   asserts itabashi2001
   • itabashi2001 asserts checked
4. In Kuril Ainu, /y/ and /w/ in syllable-final position become the second vowel of a diphthong.
   千島アイヌ語において、/y, w/は音節末では重母音の第二母音となる。
   distribution kuril all yw
   asserts itabashi2001
   • itabashi2001 asserts checked
5. Diphthongs include ai, ui, oi, au, iu, eu, ou, ei, and ae, all of which are falling diphthongs.
   二重母音には ai, ui, oi, au, iu, eu, ou, ei, ae 等があり、すべて下降式である。
   existence ainu all aiuioiauiueu
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
6. Among diphthongs, ou, ei, and ae are extremely rare: ou occurs only in kokou 'son-in-law', ei is formed when short e is emphasized, and ae occurs only word-initially through rapid contraction of a- and e-.
   重母音のうち ou, ei, ae の用例は極めて少なく、ou は kokou（婿）のみ、ei は短母音 e の強調時に成立し、ae は語頭で第一人称接頭辞 a- と指相接辞 e- の結合が急言された場合にのみ成立する。
   distribution ainu all oueiaekokoua-e-
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
7. When an unstressed /u/ or /i/ follows a vowel, it may be realized as non-syllabic [w] and [y], respectively.
   無強勢の/u/または/i/が母音の後に続く場合、それぞれ非音節的な[w]および[y]に置き換えられることがある。
   alternation hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic uiwy
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:73 asserts checked
8. The glides y and w can occur in syllable-coda position as well as onset position.
   y, w は「矢」，「輪」の頭音と同じだが，これらの音は音節の末尾にも立つ
   distribution ainu all yw
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:10 asserts checked
9. Words such as nay and haw are monosyllabic, where y and w are pronounced lightly and briefly following the vowel.
   nay, haw はこれ以上区切って発音することが普通はできない一音節の単語であり，y や w は母音に添えて軽く短く発音される。
   distribution ainu generic nayhawyw
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:11 asserts checked
10. Diphthongs such as ai, ui, and au involve devocalization of the second vowel, leading to pronunciations [aj], [uj], and [aw].
    ai, ui, au などの二重母音は後半の母音の非音節化を伴い、[aj], [uj], [aw] のように発音される。
    alternation ainu generic aiuiauayuyaw
    asserts shibatani1990
    • shibatani1990 asserts checked

Assessment 5 sentences

Which analysis of word-final vowel-plus-y/w sequences is currently accepted for Hokkaido Ainu?

Onset glides 2 claims ·2 sentences

What is the phonological status of word-initial and post-consonantal y and w in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. In Kuril Ainu, word-initial /y/ hardly ever occurs, and when it does, other records almost always transcribe it with another vowel.
   千島アイヌ語において、語頭に/y/が現れるものはほとんどなく、現れた場合でも他の母音で表されたものが同時に記されていることがほとんどである。
   frequency kuril usually y
   asserts itabashi2001
   • itabashi2001 asserts checked
2. Although ku-ipe can be theoretically assumed as the base form, its actual pronunciation is ku-ype.
   理論的には ku-ipe という形が基本形として仮定できるが、実際の発音では ku-ype となる。
   alternation ainu ku-ipeku-ype
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008 asserts checked

Marginal sequences: yi, wi, wu 1 claims ·4 sentences

Which onset-vowel sequences are absent from monomorphemic roots in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. The semivowels /w/ and /y/ do not occur before [u] and [i] respectively, so sequences [wu] and [ji] do not occur.
   半母音 /w/ と /y/ はそれぞれ [u] および [i] の前には生起せず、したがって連続 [wu] と [ji] は現れない。
   absence ainu none wy
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990 asserts checked

Boundary-derived occurrences 5 claims ·4 sentences

Under what conditions do the sequences [ji] and [wu] appear in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. Initial y- is deleted following a coda -n.
   語末子音 -n に後続する語頭の y- は消去される。
   alternation sakhalin generic -n-
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:89 asserts checked
2. Initial y- drops after -m or -s, and initial w- assimilates to a preceding -m.
   -m や -s の後で語頭の y- が消失し、また -m の後で語頭の w- が同化する。
   alternation sakhalin generic -m--s--mm-
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:89 asserts checked
3. Initial y- alternates to -n- after coda -h.
   語末の -h の後で語頭の y- は -n- に交替する。
   alternation sakhalin generic -hn-
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:89 asserts checked
4. When another element precedes a word beginning with vowels i or u, vowel weakening can occur, shifting i → y and u → w.
   母音 i, u で始まる語の前に別の要素が来ると、母音弱化により i → y、u → w のように子音の y, w に変化する現象がある。
   alternation ainu generic iuyw
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:40 asserts anchored
5. Vowel weakening (i → y, u → w) is frequently observed in the Saru and Chitose dialects.
   母音弱化（i → y、u → w）は沙流・千歳方言でよく見られる。
   distribution hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose usually
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:40 asserts checked

The Tamura–Nakagawa dispute on yi/wi/wu phonemic status 9 sentences

Are the sequences yi, wi, and wu phonemic in Hokkaido Ainu?

Glide phonemicity in Shizunai: a dialect-specific contrast 10 sentences

How does the Shizunai dialect of Hokkaido Ainu differ from accent dialects regarding glide phonemicity?

Interaction with person-affix accent 4 sentences

How do person prefixes affect syllable weight when attached to stems beginning with i or u in Hokkaido Ainu?