29. Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution

Overview 7 sentences

What strategies resolve vowel hiatus when two vowels are adjacent across a morpheme boundary in Hokkaido Ainu?

The glide transition (わたり) and its non-phonemic status 4 claims ·10 sentences

How is the glide transition between vowels analyzed in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. Intervocalic [-w-] or [-y-] often appears epenthetically between an open syllable and a following vowel-initial syllable, both within words/compounds and between words in the same clause.
   開音節とそれに続く母音始まりの音節の間には、単語内・複合語内だけでなく同一節内の単語間でも、母音間に渡り音[-w-]または[-y-]がしばしば挿入される。
   alternation hokkaido/southwest/shizunai usually -w--y-
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:73 asserts checked
2. Tooka pe is generally pronounced [tookajpe].
   tooka pe は一般に [tookajpe] と発音される。
   alternation hokkaido/southwest/shizunai usually tooka pe
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:101 asserts checked
3. When the prefix e- attaches to the verb ipe 'to dine', glide epenthesis occurs, resulting in e-ype [ejpe].
   動詞 ipe「食事する」に e- が付くと、e- + ipe → e-ype [ejpe] のように変化する。
   alternation hokkaido/chitose all e-ipee-ype
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:210 asserts checked
4. The consonant y is inserted when the reflexive prefix si- attaches to an element beginning with a vowel.
   子音 y は、再帰接頭辞 si- が母音で始まる形式に付く時に挿入される子音である。
   alternation ainu all si--y-si-y-osmak
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:249 asserts checked

Glide epenthesis at the i- and u- prefix boundary 10 claims ·8 sentences· 2 examples

What conditions trigger glide insertion between a vowel-final prefix and a vowel-initial stem in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. Glides y and w are inserted to resolve vowel hiatus when the preceding vowel is /i/ or /u/, respectively.
   前行母音が /i/ の場合は渡り音 y が、/u/ の場合は渡り音 w が、母音連続の解消として挿入される。
   alternation ainu all yw
   asserts shibatani1990, shiraishi2022
   • shibatani1990 asserts checked
   • shiraishi2022:13.4 asserts checked
2. Glide insertion is triggered only by a restricted subset of prefixes such as i-, u-, or si-, and does not occur after person prefixes like eci- or incorporated stems.
   渡り音挿入は i-、u-、si- などの一部の接頭辞によってのみ引き起こされ、eci- などの人称接頭辞や抱合語幹の後では生じない。
   distribution ainu all i-u-si-eci-ru-
   reports shiraishi2022
   • shiraishi2022:13.4 reports checked
3. In Southwestern Hokkaido (Chitose), glide insertion is triggered only after certain prefixes such as i-, si-, and u-, but not after prefixes like eci= or incorporated noun stems.
   南西部（千歳）方言において、渡り音挿入は i-、si-、u- などの特定の接頭辞の後にのみ生じ、eci= や抱合名詞語幹の後では生じない。
   distribution hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest all i-si-u-eci=
   reports bugaeva2012
   • bugaeva2012:468–469 reports checked
   • refines(differs in dialect): Glide insertion is triggered only by a restricted subset of prefixes such as i-, u-, or si-, and does not occur after person prefixes like eci- or incorporated stems.— Bugaeva reports the prefix restriction specifically for Southwestern Hokkaido (Chitose), whereas Shiraishi reports it for Ainu generally.
4. Glide insertion of /j/ occurs between two vowels when the first vowel is /i/ and the second is /a, e, o, u/, dropping the glottal stop before the second vowel.
   第1母音が /i/ で第2母音が /a, e, o, u/ の場合、2つの母音間に渡り音 /j/ が挿入され、第2母音の前の声門閉鎖音は脱落する。
   alternation hokkaido/southwest generic -y-
   asserts bugaeva2012
   • bugaeva2012:468–469 asserts checked
5. Glide insertion of /w/ occurs between two vowels when the first vowel is /u/ and the second is /a, e, o/, dropping the glottal stop before the second vowel.
   第1母音が /u/ で第2母音が /a, e, o/ の場合、2つの母音間に渡り音 /w/ が挿入され、第2母音の前の声門閉鎖音は脱落する。
   alternation hokkaido/southwest generic -w-
   asserts bugaeva2012
   • bugaeva2012:468–469 asserts checked
6. Glide formation (/i/ > /j/ and /u/ > /w/) occurs only when /i/ and /u/ are preceded by (C)V-type prefixes that assign accent to the following syllable, but not after a= or eci=.
   渡り音形成（/i/ > /j/ および /u/ > /w/）は、後続音節にアクセントを付与する性質を持つ (C)V 型接頭辞が /i/ や /u/ に先行する場合にのみ生じ、a= や eci= の後では生じない。
   distribution hokkaido/southwest generic ku=e=i=i-e-ko-
   asserts bugaeva2012
   • bugaeva2012:468–469 asserts checked
7. When the prefix i- attaches to a vowel-initial stem, y is epenthesized between them (i- + V- -> i-y-V-).
   i- + V- → i-y-V- : iyomare < i-「ものを」, omare「入れる」(意味は「酒をつぐ」) (y は i- という接頭辞の後でだけ起こる挿入子音。)
   alternation ainu all i-y
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:13 asserts checked
8. When the prefix u- attaches to a vowel-initial stem, w is epenthesized between them (u- + V- -> u-w-V-).
   u- + V- → u-w-V- : uwomare < u-「互いを」, omare「入れる」(意味は「集める」) (w は u- という接頭辞の後でだけ起こる挿入子音。)
   alternation ainu all u-w
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:13 asserts checked
9. The glide y is obligatorily inserted when the prefix i- is attached before the vowels e, a, o, or u.
   接辞 i- が e, a, o, u の前に付く時には必ず渡り音 y が挿入される。
   alternation hokkaido all i-y
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:127 asserts checked
10. The adverb iyos 'after that' is formed from os 'after, behind' with the indefinite prefix i- and an epenthetic glide y.
    副詞 iyos「その後から」は、os「後から」に不定の接頭辞 i- が付き、渡り音 y が挿入されたものである。
    diachrony hokkaido all iyososi-y
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:292 asserts checked

The compound-boundary block 12 sentences

What morphosyntactic conditions block glide epenthesis at compound boundaries in Hokkaido Ainu?

The *CVVC constraint as a blocker of glide formation 13 sentences· 1 examples

How does the *CVVC syllable constraint affect glide formation at morpheme boundaries in Hokkaido Ainu?

Vowel weakening after personal and applicative prefixes 6 claims ·14 sentences

What process converts stem-initial high vowels to glides after certain prefixes in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. Stem-initial unaccented i- alternates to y- when preceded by a prefix, but does not become y- when the stem has inherent first-syllable accent.
   接頭辞が付くことで i- → y- となるが（ko-ytak < ko- + itak）、第一音節の i にもともとアクセントがある語の場合は y にならない（o'ika < o-ika）。
   alternation ainu generic i-y-ko-ytako'ika
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:13 asserts checked
2. Initial u- can alternate to w- between a vowel and a consonant (e.g. e-wturentekehe < e- + uturentekehe), though with lower regularity than the i- -> y- alternation.
   u は前に母音，後ろに子音が来た場合，w となることがあるが，i- → y- の場合と比べると規則性が低い。
   alternation ainu generic u-w-e-wturentekehe
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:14 asserts checked
3. The prefix i- alternates to y- before a vowel-initial verb only when preceded by a person prefix that places accent immediately after itself, such as ku- or e- (e.g. ku-yomare).
   i- という接頭辞が母音で始まる動詞に付き，かつ，前に ku-「私が」，e-「お前が」のようなアクセントを直後に置くような接頭辞が来た場合にのみ i- → y- の交替が起こる。
   alternation ainu all i-y-ku-yomare
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:14 asserts checked
4. The prefix u- alternates to w- before a vowel-initial verb only when preceded by a person prefix that places accent immediately after itself, such as ku- or e- (e.g. ku-womare).
   u- という接頭辞が母音で始まる動詞に付き，かつ，前に ku-「私が」，e-「お前が」のようなアクセントを直後に置くような接頭辞が来た場合にのみ u- → w- の交替が起こる。
   alternation ainu all u-w-ku-womare
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:14 asserts checked
5. An unaccented stem-initial e is pronounced [j] after the person prefix a- (a- + e- -> [aj]).
   人称接頭辞 a- の後ろに来たアクセントのない e は [j] と発音される (a- + e- → [aj])。
   alternation ainu all a-[aj]
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:14 asserts checked
6. An unaccented stem-initial o is pronounced [w] after the person prefix a- (a- + o- -> [aw]).
   人称接頭辞 a- の後ろに来たアクセントのない o は [w] と発音される (a- + o- → [aw])。
   alternation ainu all a-[aw]
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:14 asserts checked

Glottal insertion when glide cannot appear 1 claims ·6 sentences

When is a glottal stop inserted to break vowel hiatus in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. When glide insertion is not available, glottal stop insertion takes place when V1 is non-high (e, a, o) or blocked by morphosyntactic reasons.
   渡り音挿入が不可能な場合、V1が非高母音（e, a, o）であるか形態統語的理由により阻止されるときに声門閉鎖音挿入が行われる。
   alternation ainu generic
   asserts shiraishi2022
   • shiraishi2022:13.4 asserts checked

Vowel deletion as an alternative hiatus strategy 3 claims ·4 sentences

What is the role of vowel deletion in resolving vowel hiatus in Hokkaido Ainu?

1. When vowels occur in succession in hawean, haweokai, and haweash, the preceding vowel tends to drop, yielding contracted forms hawan, hawokai, and hawash.
   母音が重出する場合は前の母音が落ちやすいため、hawean > hawan、haweokai > hawokai、haweash > hawash のような形も存在する。
   alternation haweanhawanhaweokaihawokaihaweashhawash
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
2. Two identical adjacent vowels are reduced to one (e.g. kera + an → keran 'tasty').
   隣接する2つの同一母音は1つに縮約される（例: kera + an → keran「おいしい」）。
   alternation ainu generic kerankeraan
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990 asserts checked
3. When two different vowels come together, the first vowel is normally elided (e.g. ine + an + kur → inankur 'which person').
   2つの異なる母音が隣接する場合、通常最初の母音が生起から脱落する（例: ine + an + kur → inankur「どなた」）。
   alternation ainu usually inankurineankur
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990 asserts checked

The phonemic status of the glide transition across dialects 2 claims ·12 sentences

How does the phonemic status of boundary glides differ across dialects of Hokkaido Ainu?

1. In the Shizunai dialect, a contrast was observed between suwat 'pothook' (/su-at/) and suʔat 'pot bail' (/su-at/).
   静内方言において、suwat「自在鉤」(/su-at/) と suʔat「鍋のつる」(/su-at/) の対立が観察された。
   variation hokkaido/southwest/shizunai example_only suwatsuʔat
   reports shiraishi2022
   • shiraishi2022:13.4 reports checked
2. In the Shizunai dialect, glide insertion takes place in fossilized forms where the semantic transparency of the constituents has been lost, but not in semantically transparent combinations.
   静内方言において、渡り音挿入は構成要素の意味的透明性が失われた化石化した形式で生じ、意味的に透明な組み合わせでは生じない。
   distribution hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic uwepekerʔuʔenewsar
   reports shiraishi2022
   • shiraishi2022:13.4 reports checked