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Okuda 2025

Okuda Osami 奥田統己 (2025). アイヌ語のわたり音と母音連続[Glides and vowel hiatus in Ainu]. 北海道方言研究会50周年記念論集 生活語の半世紀（北海道方言研究会叢書7）, 40–45.

prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 4 leaves, 0 with a printed page

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1. In Shizunai, the absence of contrastive pitch means that the distinction between [w] and [ʔ] at a hiatus position — illustrated by the minimal pair suwat 'pothook' vs suʔat 'pot bail' — must be carried by the glide itself, making /w/ phonemically contrastive there . no page The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
2. Okuda concludes that no dialect-neutral statement about glide phonemicity is possible . no page The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
3. The two laryngeal elements have distinct distributional profiles: /h/ occupies the onset of its syllable with vowel-conditioned allophony; [ʔ] marks the onset of vowel-initial syllables as a phonetically automatic boundary cue in the majority analysis, though it functions as a lexically contrastive phoneme in the accentless Shizunai dialect ; ; . no page The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
4. Okuda (2025), drawing on fieldwork by 志賀雪湖, reports a minimal pair for juncture types that in accent varieties are kept distinct by pitch placement rather than by the laryngeal itself : no page The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
5. Okuda (2025) concludes that in Shizunai both the glide /w/ and the [ʔ] at transparent compound boundaries are phonemic, and adds the explicit caution that this finding does not generalize: "one cannot say, without specifying dialect, that the transitional glide y/w is non-phonemic" . no page The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
6. Parallel contrasts are reported for /uʔa/ : /uwa/ and /iʔo/ : /iyo/ in Shizunai ‹contested›. no page The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
7. Okuda reports a minimal pair from a Shizunai speaker (Oda Steno) that is unique in the Hokkaido documentation: no page Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
8. Parallel contrasts for /y/ at front-vowel hiatus in Shizunai — /u'a/ ~ /uwa/, /i'o/ ~ /iyo/, /i'e/ ~ /iye/ — extend the argument beyond this single pair . no page Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
9. Okuda's conclusion: "one cannot say, without specifying the dialect, that the glides y/w are non-phonemic" ‹contested›. no page Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
10. They demonstrate that /y/ and /w/ phonemicity at hiatus is a dialect-dependent property: phonemic in accentless Shizunai, non-phonemic in the accent dialects ; . no page Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
11. One phonological consequence of Shizunai's accentless status: the contrast between glide [w] and glottal stop [ʔ] at a hiatus position must carry the functional load that pitch contrast carries elsewhere, as argued for the pair suwat 'pothook' vs suʔat 'pot bail' in ; see . no page The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
12. Nakagawa , Okuda , and Satō all assign a glide-bearing form to this word because the i- + omante boundary retains sufficient compositional productivity for R1 to apply (cf. no page Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
13. The minimal pair first observed by 志賀雪湖 (Okuda 2025 ): [suwat] 'pothook' — an opaque, fused compound — vs. [suʔat] 'pot bail' — a transparent su- + at with the boundary maintained. no page Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
14. Okuda further documents the pairs /u'a/ ~ /uwa/, /i'o/ ~ /iyo/, /i'e/ ~ /iye/ as additional Shizunai minimal pairs, and concludes that "one cannot say, without specifying dialect, that わたり /y/ /w/ are non-phonemic" ‹contested›. no page Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution