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Shiraishi 2022

Shiraishi Hideto 白石英才 (2022). Phonetics and phonology. Handbook of the Ainu language (HJLL 12). De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin & Boston.

prior-analysis general text held locally OCR handbook-epub: 8 leaves, 8 with a printed page

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Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization 7

1. The personal prefixes a- and eci- do not alter the accent placement of the stem to which they attach.
   人称接頭辞 a- および eci- は、接続する語幹のアクセント位置を変化させず維持する。
   reports asserts: nakagawa2024, sato2008 3 statements
2. In morphosyntactically complex forms, the general rule is to place the primary accent on the first element and reduce the accent on subsequent elements, giving priority to the stem over derivational suffixes.
   形態統語的に複合的な形式では、第1要素に主アクセントを置き後続要素のアクセントを弱めるのが一般規則であり、派生においては接尾辞よりも語幹が優先される。
   reports
3. When a compound has a CVC initial element and a vowel-initial second element, accent is often assigned in accordance with the iambic rule rather than the first-element priority rule.
   第1要素がCVCで第2要素が母音初頭である複合語では、第1要素優先規則ではなく短長格規則に従ってアクセントが置かれることが多い。
   reports
4. A compound shifts its accent to follow the iambic rule when it becomes lexicalized and speakers perceive it as monomorphemic.
   複合語が語彙化し話者に単一形態素として意識されるようになると、アクセントが短長格規則に従う形へシフトする。
   reports
5. Most personal prefixes trigger relocation of the word accent.
   大部分の人称接頭辞はアクセントの位置の移動を引き起こす。
   asserts
6. Personal suffixes carry a secondary accent alongside the accent located on the verb stem.
   人称接尾辞は、語幹上のアクセントと並んで副アクセントを帯びる。
   reports
7. The secondary accent on a personal suffix is lost when the verb stem is monosyllabic of the shape (C)VC.
   語幹が(C)VC音節からなる場合、人称接尾辞上の副アクセントは消失する。
   reports

Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 4

1. V1-V2 co-occurrence restrictions apply in two derivational contexts: transitive verb formation and possessive noun formation.
   V1とV2の共起制限は、他動詞形成と所属形名詞形成という2つの派生コンテクストにおいて適用される。
   asserts
2. In transitive verb formation and possessive noun formation, V2 /i, u, e/ outnumber /a, o/ to a considerable degree.
   他動詞形成および所属名詞形成において、V2の /i, u, e/ は /a, o/ を著しく上回る頻度で生じる。
   reports
3. In transitive verb and possessive noun derivation, when V2 is /e/, V1 is either /e/ or is followed by the glides /y/ or /w/.
   他動詞および所属名詞派生において、V2が /e/ の場合、V1も /e/ であるか、または渡り音 /y/ や /w/ が前行する。
   reports
4. The V1-V2 vowel co-occurrence restrictions do not expand to other morphological contexts such as the plural suffix -pa or personal prefixes, nor do they apply to underived roots.
   V1とV2の母音共起制限は、複数接尾辞 -pa や人称接頭辞などの他の形態論的環境には及ばず、非派生語根にも適用されない。
   asserts

Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters 11

1. In recordings of the Saru dialect, n-sandhi never applies across a sentence boundary.
   沙流方言の録音資料において、n連声が文境界を越えて適用される例は皆無である。
   asserts
2. In the Saru dialect, r-sandhi can apply across a sentence boundary.
   沙流方言において、r連声は文境界を越えて適用されうる。
   asserts
3. n-sandhi is a P-structure rule sensitive to syntactic boundaries, whereas r-sandhi is a Pure phonological rule that is not sensitive to syntactic boundaries.
   n連声は統語境界に敏感なP構造規則であるのに対し、r連声は統語境界に敏感でない純粋音韻規則である。
   asserts
4. A syllable-final /n/ undergoes sandhi when followed by /s/, /y/, or /w/.
   音節末の /n/ は、後続に /s/、/y/、/w/ が来ると連声（n連声）を起こす。
   asserts
5. n-sandhi can create sequences such as [uw] that are otherwise illicit in the language.
   n連声は、他の環境では不適格とされる [uw] のような連続を生じさせることがある。
   asserts
6. Under resyllabification, /t_i/ undergoes palatalization and surfaces as ci [ʨi].
   音節再編成において、/t_i/ は口蓋化を受けて ci [ʨi] として現れる。
   asserts
7. Both n-sandhi and r-sandhi apply word-internally as well as word-externally across morphosyntactic constituents.
   n連声とr連声はどちらも語内だけでなく語境界を越えて適用され、大きな形態統語的構成素に及ぶ。
   asserts
8. Sandhi is blocked when a pause intervenes between the two constituents.
   2つの構成素の間にポーズが挿入されると、連声は阻止される。
   reports
9. The interrogative particle ya fuses with a preceding stem-final consonant r, as in amkir + ya > amkir_a and nankor + ya > nankora.
   疑問小詞 ya は先行する語幹末尾の子音 r と融合し、amkir + ya > amkir_a や nankor + ya > nankora のようになる。
   asserts
10. A syllable-final /r/ undergoes sandhi when followed by /n/, /c/, /t/, or /r/.
    音節末の /r/ は、後続に /n/、/c/、/t/、/r/ が来ると連声（r連声）を起こす。
    asserts
11. In northern dialects, r-sandhi triggered by /s/ occurs (e.g. tu[s]se < tur 'to fall').
    北部諸方言では、/s/ によって引き起こされる r連声が見られる（例：tu[s]se < tur「落ちる」）。
    reports

Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution 5

1. Glides y and w are inserted to resolve vowel hiatus when the preceding vowel is /i/ or /u/, respectively.
   前行母音が /i/ の場合は渡り音 y が、/u/ の場合は渡り音 w が、母音連続の解消として挿入される。
   asserts asserts: shibatani1990 2 statements
2. Glide insertion is triggered only by a restricted subset of prefixes such as i-, u-, or si-, and does not occur after person prefixes like eci- or incorporated stems.
   渡り音挿入は i-、u-、si- などの一部の接頭辞によってのみ引き起こされ、eci- などの人称接頭辞や抱合語幹の後では生じない。
   reports
3. When glide insertion is not available, glottal stop insertion takes place when V1 is non-high (e, a, o) or blocked by morphosyntactic reasons.
   渡り音挿入が不可能な場合、V1が非高母音（e, a, o）であるか形態統語的理由により阻止されるときに声門閉鎖音挿入が行われる。
   asserts
4. In the Shizunai dialect, a contrast was observed between suwat 'pothook' (/su-at/) and suʔat 'pot bail' (/su-at/).
   静内方言において、suwat「自在鉤」(/su-at/) と suʔat「鍋のつる」(/su-at/) の対立が観察された。
   reports
5. In the Shizunai dialect, glide insertion takes place in fossilized forms where the semantic transparency of the constituents has been lost, but not in semantically transparent combinations.
   静内方言において、渡り音挿入は構成要素の意味的透明性が失われた化石化した形式で生じ、意味的に透明な組み合わせでは生じない。
   reports

The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question 4

1. Vowel-initial syllables phonetically take an onset glottal stop.
   母音で始まる音節の初頭には音声的に声門閉鎖音が現れる。
   asserts asserts: shibatani1990 2 statements
2. A glottal stop (or tension) is clearly audible when V2 bears accent and/or when V2 is followed by a consonant in a closed syllable.
   V2にアクセントがある場合、および／またはV2が閉音節にあり後続子音を伴う場合、声門閉鎖音（または緊張）が明瞭に聞き取れる。
   asserts
3. When V2 does not bear accent and is not in a closed syllable, a clear glottal stop is not audible and the transition between the two vowels is gradual.
   V2にアクセントがなく閉音節でもない場合、明瞭な声門閉鎖音は聞こえず、2つの母音間の移行は緩慢である。
   asserts
4. In Ainu, the glottal stop has no contrastive function in monomorphemic forms.
   アイヌ語において、声門閉鎖音は単一形態素形式において対立的機能を一切持たない。
   asserts

Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs 1

1. Across Ainu dialects with pitch accent, a small number of minimal pairs contrast solely in the position of pitch accent.
   アイヌ語において、ピッチアクセントの位置のみで対立するごく少数の最小対が存在する。
   reports

Phrasal and Utterance Intonation 8

1. In ordinary declarative speech in the Saru dialect, pitch exhibits a natural decline without a final rise or fall at the end of the sentence.
   沙流方言の通常の平叙発話では、文末の上昇や下降を伴わず自然にピッチが下降する。
   reports
2. In the Saru dialect, a rising intonation contour appears when the speaker expects a reaction from the interlocutor.
   沙流方言では、聞き手からの反応を期待する場合に上昇イントネーションが現れる。
   reports
3. In the Tokachi dialect, a non-rising intonation contour occurs in interrogatives lacking a final predicate verb when ending in a noun, nominalizer, or conjunctive particle followed by an interrogative particle.
   十勝方言では、文末述語動詞を欠き名詞・形式名詞または接続小詞＋疑問小詞で終わる疑問文において非上昇イントネーションが生じる。
   reports
4. In the Saru dialect, expressing exclamation or wish raises the pitch of the whole utterance and produces a lengthened rising-falling contour at the end of the sentence.
   沙流方言では感嘆や願望を表す際に発話全体のピッチが高くなり、文末に長引く上昇下降の音調が現れる。
   reports
5. In the Saru dialect, interrogative pitch movement and intensity peaks occur primarily on sentence-final interrogative particles.
   沙流方言の疑問文では、ピッチ変動と強度のピークが主に文末の疑問小詞に現れる。
   reports
6. In the Saru dialect, interrogative sentences without a final rising pitch contour are attested.
   沙流方言において、文末上昇音調を伴わない疑問文の存在が確認されている。
   reports
7. In acoustic data of the Saru dialect, interrogative sentences ending in nankora are uttered with a falling intonation contour.
   沙流方言の音声データにおいて、nankora で終わる文は下降イントネーションで発話される。
   reports
8. In Hokkaido Ainu, a level or falling intonation contour implies continuation, whereas a rising contour marks utterance finality.
   北海道アイヌ語において、平坦または下降音調は後続発話の存在を暗示し、上昇音調は発話の明確な終末を標示する。
   reports

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 6

1. In Ainu, when a word begins with a heavy or closed syllable, pitch accent regularly falls on the first syllable.
   アイヌ語において、語が重音節または閉音節で始まる場合、アクセントは規則的に第1音節に置かれる。
   asserts asserts: satoni2022 2 statements
2. In Ainu, when a word begins with a light or open syllable, pitch accent regularly falls on the second syllable.
   アイヌ語において、語が軽音節または開音節で始まる場合、アクセントは通常第2音節に置かれる。
   asserts asserts: satoni2022 2 statements
3. In Ainu, a small number of exceptional words beginning with an open or light syllable have accent on the first syllable.
   アイヌ語において、開音節または軽音節で始まる少数の例外的な語では第1音節にアクセントが置かれる。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2022, sato2008 3 statements
4. Accent in Ainu is realized phonetically as high pitch.
   アイヌ語のアクセントは音声的に高ピッチとして実現される。
   reports
5. Accented vowels in an open (C)V syllable are slightly lengthened, particularly in northeastern Hokkaido dialects.
   （C）V開音節のアクセント母音は、特に北東部方言においてやや長音化すると報告されている。
   reports
6. Ainu lacks lexical tone and lacks English- or Russian-like vowel reduction in unaccented syllables.
   アイヌ語には語彙的声調が存在せず、また英語やロシア語のような無アクセント母音の母音縮小も存在しない。
   asserts

Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints 8

1. There are no (C)VVC syllables in Ainu.
   アイヌ語には(C)VVC型の音節は存在しない。
   asserts
2. When an emphatic lengthening of a vowel is grammaticalized, the VV sequence is broken up by a glottal stop and becomes disyllabic (V.ʔV).
   母音の強調的長音化が文法化される場合、VV連続は声門閉鎖音によって分断され2音節（V.ʔV）となる。
   asserts
3. In monomorphemic forms, the sequences *yi, *wi, *wu, *ti, *uw, and *iy do not occur.
   単一形態素形式においては、*yi, *wi, *wu, *ti, *uw, *iy の連続は生じない。
   asserts
4. Consonant clusters in Ainu occur only across syllable boundaries.
   アイヌ語の子音連続は音節境界をまたいでしか生じない。
   asserts
5. In polymorphemic forms, [y_i] and [w_u] sequences may arise due to resyllabification.
   複合形態素形式においては、音節再編成によって [y_i] および [w_u] が生じることがある。
   asserts
6. A syllable-final consonant often undergoes resyllabification when followed by a vowel-initial morpheme.
   音節末子音は、母音で始まる形態素が後続するとしばしば音節再編成を受ける。
   asserts
7. Resyllabification is blocked occasionally when a following vowel bears accent and/or across certain morphological boundaries such as reduplicant-base, with glottal stop insertion occurring instead.
   後続母音がアクセントを持つ場合や畳語と基幹の間などの特定の形態論的境界を挟む場合、音節再編成が阻止されることがあり、代わりに声門閉鎖音挿入が起こる。
   asserts
8. The syllable template of Ainu is either (C)V or (C)VC.
   アイヌ語の音節構造は(C)Vまたは(C)VCのいずれかである。
   asserts

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 11

1. Ainu /u/ is articulated lower (more open) than Japanese /u/.
   アイヌ語の /u/ は日本語の /u/ よりも低く（広く）調音される。
   reports asserts: kindaichi1936 2 statements
2. The vowels /i/, /u/, and occasionally /e/ often undergo devoicing when flanked by voiceless consonants.
   母音 /i/、/u/、および時には /e/ も、無声子音に挟まれた場合にしばしば無声化する。
   asserts
3. Vowel devoicing is reported to occur more frequently in northern dialects of Ainu.
   母音の無声化はアイヌ語の北方方言においてより頻繁に生じると報告されている。
   reports
4. In the Saru dialect, the syllables si and ci are the most prone to vowel devoicing.
   沙流方言において、音節 si と ci は母音無声化を最も起こしやすい。
   asserts
5. In the Saru dialect, the syllables tu, pi, and pu never undergo vowel devoicing.
   沙流方言において、音節 tu、pi、pu の母音は決して無声化しない。
   asserts
6. In the speech of some Saru speakers, vowel devoicing can occur in closed, accented syllables as well as in consecutive syllables.
   沙流方言の一部の話者の発話では、母音無声化は閉音節かつアクセントのある音節において、また連続する音節においても生じうる。
   asserts
7. A monosyllabic CV form tends to undergo lengthening when uttered in isolation.
   単音節のCV形は、単独で発音されると長音化しやすい。
   asserts
8. In polysyllabic forms, an accented vowel tends to undergo lengthening.
   多音節形において、アクセントのある母音は長音化しやすい。
   asserts
9. Emphatic lengthening is grammaticalized to break up the lengthened vowel with an inserted glottal stop.
   強調の長音化は文法化されており、長音化した母音の間に声門閉鎖音を挟み込んで分断する。
   asserts
10. The acoustic distance between /i/ and /e/, as well as between /u/ and /o/, is closer in Ainu than in Japanese.
    アイヌ語における /i/ と /e/、および /u/ と /o/ の音響的距離は、日本語よりも近い。
    asserts
11. Ainu /u/ has a lower F2 than Japanese [ɯ], suggesting articulation further back in the vocal tract.
    アイヌ語の /u/ は日本語の [ɯ] よりも F2 が低く、より後舌で調音されることを示唆している。
    asserts

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 6

1. Accent in Ainu is realized phonetically as high pitch.
   アイヌ語のアクセントは音声的に高ピッチとして実現される。
   p. 13.5 other reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Accented vowels in an open (C)V syllable are slightly lengthened, particularly in northeastern Hokkaido dialects.
   （C）V開音節のアクセント母音は、特に北東部方言においてやや長音化すると報告されている。
   p. 13.5 other reports anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido/northeast
3. Ainu lacks lexical tone and lacks English- or Russian-like vowel reduction in unaccented syllables.
   アイヌ語には語彙的声調が存在せず、また英語やロシア語のような無アクセント母音の母音縮小も存在しない。
   p. 13.5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. Under the regular iambic pattern, high pitch falls on the second syllable from the left when the first syllable is light ((C)V).
   規則的な短長格（上昇調）パターンにおいて、第1音節が軽音節（(C)V）である場合、アクセント（高ピッチ）は語頭から2番目の音節に置かれる。
   p. 13.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
5. When the first syllable of a word is heavy ((C)VC), the accent falls on the first syllable.
   語の第1音節が重音節（(C)VC）である場合、アクセントは第1音節に置かれる。
   p. 13.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
6. Some words deviate from the iambic rule by taking accent on the initial syllable despite that syllable being light.
   第1音節が軽音節であるにもかかわらず頭音節にアクセントが置かれ、短長格規則に従わない語が一部存在する。
   p. 13.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu hucimina

Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs 1

1. A small number of minimal pairs contrast solely in the position of pitch accent.
   アクセントの位置のみで対立するごく少数の最小対（ミニマルペア）が存在する。
   p. 13.5 existence reports checked · anchor 100% ainu nisaputur

Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization 7

1. Most personal prefixes trigger relocation of the word accent.
   大部分の人称接頭辞はアクセントの位置の移動を引き起こす。
   p. 13.5 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ku-
2. The fourth-person prefix a- and the second-person plural prefix eci- do not trigger relocation of the accent on the stem.
   4人称接頭辞 a- および2人称複数接頭辞 eci- は、語幹のアクセントの移動を引き起こさない。
   p. 13.5 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% ainu a-eci-
3. Personal suffixes carry a secondary accent alongside the accent located on the verb stem.
   人称接尾辞は、語幹上のアクセントと並んで副アクセントを帯びる。
   p. 13.5 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% ainu -as-an
4. The secondary accent on a personal suffix is lost when the verb stem is monosyllabic of the shape (C)VC.
   語幹が(C)VC音節からなる場合、人称接尾辞上の副アクセントは消失する。
   p. 13.5 alternation reports checked · anchor 100% ainu -an
5. In morphosyntactically complex forms, the general rule is to place the primary accent on the first element and reduce the accent on subsequent elements, giving priority to the stem over derivational suffixes.
   形態統語的に複合的な形式では、第1要素に主アクセントを置き後続要素のアクセントを弱めるのが一般規則であり、派生においては接尾辞よりも語幹が優先される。
   p. 13.5 ordering reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
6. When a compound has a CVC initial element and a vowel-initial second element, accent is often assigned in accordance with the iambic rule rather than the first-element priority rule.
   第1要素がCVCで第2要素が母音初頭である複合語では、第1要素優先規則ではなく短長格規則に従ってアクセントが置かれることが多い。
   p. 13.5 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
7. A compound shifts its accent to follow the iambic rule when it becomes lexicalized and speakers perceive it as monomorphemic.
   複合語が語彙化し話者に単一形態素として意識されるようになると、アクセントが短長格規則に従う形へシフトする。
   p. 13.5 diachrony reports checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 11

1. The acoustic distance between /i/ and /e/, as well as between /u/ and /o/, is closer in Ainu than in Japanese.
   アイヌ語における /i/ と /e/、および /u/ と /o/ の音響的距離は、日本語よりも近い。
   p. 13.2 other asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ieuo
2. Ainu /u/ has a lower F2 than Japanese [ɯ], suggesting articulation further back in the vocal tract.
   アイヌ語の /u/ は日本語の [ɯ] よりも F2 が低く、より後舌で調音されることを示唆している。
   p. 13.2 other asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu u
3. Kindaichi claimed that Ainu /u/ is articulated lower than Japanese /u/ ([ɯ]).
   金田一はアイヌ語の /u/ が日本語の /u/（[ɯ]）よりも低く調音されると主張した。
   p. 13.2 other reports checked · anchor 100% ainu u
4. The vowels /i/, /u/, and occasionally /e/ often undergo devoicing when flanked by voiceless consonants.
   母音 /i/、/u/、および時には /e/ も、無声子音に挟まれた場合にしばしば無声化する。
   p. 13.2 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu iue
5. Vowel devoicing is reported to occur more frequently in northern dialects of Ainu.
   母音の無声化はアイヌ語の北方方言においてより頻繁に生じると報告されている。
   p. 13.2 variation reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
6. In the Saru dialect, the syllables si and ci are the most prone to vowel devoicing.
   沙流方言において、音節 si と ci は母音無声化を最も起こしやすい。
   p. 13.2 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru sici
7. In the Saru dialect, the syllables tu, pi, and pu never undergo vowel devoicing.
   沙流方言において、音節 tu、pi、pu の母音は決して無声化しない。
   p. 13.2 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru tupipu
8. In the speech of some Saru speakers, vowel devoicing can occur in closed, accented syllables as well as in consecutive syllables.
   沙流方言の一部の話者の発話では、母音無声化は閉音節かつアクセントのある音節において、また連続する音節においても生じうる。
   p. 13.2 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru toyko-kikkikecicisnupehe
9. A monosyllabic CV form tends to undergo lengthening when uttered in isolation.
   単音節のCV形は、単独で発音されると長音化しやすい。
   p. 13.2 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu katoni
10. In polysyllabic forms, an accented vowel tends to undergo lengthening.
    多音節形において、アクセントのある母音は長音化しやすい。
    p. 13.2 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu numanporoayne
11. Emphatic lengthening is grammaticalized to break up the lengthened vowel with an inserted glottal stop.
    強調の長音化は文法化されており、長音化した母音の間に声門閉鎖音を挟み込んで分断する。
    p. 13.2 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu weʔentoʔoteʔeta

The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question 4

1. A glottal stop appears in the onset of a vowel-initial syllable.
   母音で始まる音節の頭音（音節初頭位置）には声門閉鎖音が現れる。
   p. 13.2 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. A glottal stop (or tension) is clearly audible when V2 bears accent and/or when V2 is followed by a consonant in a closed syllable.
   V2にアクセントがある場合、および／またはV2が閉音節にあり後続子音を伴う場合、声門閉鎖音（または緊張）が明瞭に聞き取れる。
   p. 13.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. When V2 does not bear accent and is not in a closed syllable, a clear glottal stop is not audible and the transition between the two vowels is gradual.
   V2にアクセントがなく閉音節でもない場合、明瞭な声門閉鎖音は聞こえず、2つの母音間の移行は緩慢である。
   p. 13.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. In Ainu, the glottal stop has no contrastive function in monomorphemic forms.
   アイヌ語において、声門閉鎖音は単一形態素形式において対立的機能を一切持たない。
   p. 13.4 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints 8

1. The syllable template of Ainu is either (C)V or (C)VC.
   アイヌ語の音節構造は(C)Vまたは(C)VCのいずれかである。
   p. 13.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. Consonant clusters in Ainu occur only across syllable boundaries.
   アイヌ語の子音連続は音節境界をまたいでしか生じない。
   p. 13.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. There are no (C)VVC syllables in Ainu.
   アイヌ語には(C)VVC型の音節は存在しない。
   p. 13.4 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. When an emphatic lengthening of a vowel is grammaticalized, the VV sequence is broken up by a glottal stop and becomes disyllabic (V.ʔV).
   母音の強調的長音化が文法化される場合、VV連続は声門閉鎖音によって分断され2音節（V.ʔV）となる。
   p. 13.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
5. In monomorphemic forms, the sequences *yi, *wi, *wu, *ti, *uw, and *iy do not occur.
   単一形態素形式においては、*yi, *wi, *wu, *ti, *uw, *iy の連続は生じない。
   p. 13.4 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu *yi*wi*wu*ti*uw*iy
6. In polymorphemic forms, [y_i] and [w_u] sequences may arise due to resyllabification.
   複合形態素形式においては、音節再編成によって [y_i] および [w_u] が生じることがある。
   p. 13.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
7. A syllable-final consonant often undergoes resyllabification when followed by a vowel-initial morpheme.
   音節末子音は、母音で始まる形態素が後続するとしばしば音節再編成を受ける。
   p. 13.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
8. Resyllabification is blocked occasionally when a following vowel bears accent and/or across certain morphological boundaries such as reduplicant-base, with glottal stop insertion occurring instead.
   後続母音がアクセントを持つ場合や畳語と基幹の間などの特定の形態論的境界を挟む場合、音節再編成が阻止されることがあり、代わりに声門閉鎖音挿入が起こる。
   p. 13.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution 5

1. The glides y and w are inserted as hiatus resolution when preceding vowels are /i/ and /u/, respectively.
   前行母音が /i/ および /u/ である場合、母音連続解消としてそれぞれ渡り音 y および w が挿入される。
   p. 13.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu yw
2. Glide insertion is triggered only by a subset of prefixes such as i- (indefinite person), u- (reciprocal), or si- (reflexive), and not by eci- (2nd person) or ru- 'in a half way', nor by an incorporated stem.
   渡り音挿入は、不定人称 i-、相互 u-、再帰 si- などの一部の接頭辞によってのみ引き起こされ、2人称 eci- や「途中で」を意味する ru-、あるいは抱合語幹によっては引き起こされない。
   p. 13.4 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% ainu i-u-si-eci-ru-
3. In the Shizunai dialect, a contrast was observed between suwat 'pothook' (/su-at/) and suʔat 'pot bail' (/su-at/).
   静内方言において、suwat「自在鉤」(/su-at/) と suʔat「鍋のつる」(/su-at/) の対立が観察された。
   p. 13.4 variation reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/shizunai suwatsuʔat
4. In the Shizunai dialect, glide insertion takes place in fossilized forms where the semantic transparency of the constituents has been lost, but not in semantically transparent combinations.
   静内方言において、渡り音挿入は構成要素の意味的透明性が失われた化石化した形式で生じ、意味的に透明な組み合わせでは生じない。
   p. 13.4 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/shizunai uwepekerʔuʔenewsar
5. When glide insertion is not available, glottal stop insertion takes place when V1 is non-high (e, a, o) or blocked by morphosyntactic reasons.
   渡り音挿入が不可能な場合、V1が非高母音（e, a, o）であるか形態統語的理由により阻止されるときに声門閉鎖音挿入が行われる。
   p. 13.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters 11

1. Under resyllabification, /t_i/ undergoes palatalization and surfaces as ci [ʨi].
   音節再編成において、/t_i/ は口蓋化を受けて ci [ʨi] として現れる。
   p. 13.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ci
2. A syllable-final /n/ undergoes sandhi when followed by /s/, /y/, or /w/.
   音節末の /n/ は、後続に /s/、/y/、/w/ が来ると連声（n連声）を起こす。
   p. 13.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu nsyw
3. A syllable-final /r/ undergoes sandhi when followed by /n/, /c/, /t/, or /r/.
   音節末の /r/ は、後続に /n/、/c/、/t/、/r/ が来ると連声（r連声）を起こす。
   p. 13.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu rnct
4. In northern dialects, r-sandhi triggered by /s/ occurs (e.g. tu[s]se < tur 'to fall').
   北部諸方言では、/s/ によって引き起こされる r連声が見られる（例：tu[s]se < tur「落ちる」）。
   p. 13.6 alternation reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/northeast tussetur
5. Both n-sandhi and r-sandhi apply word-internally as well as word-externally across morphosyntactic constituents.
   n連声とr連声はどちらも語内だけでなく語境界を越えて適用され、大きな形態統語的構成素に及ぶ。
   p. 13.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu nr
6. Sandhi is blocked when a pause intervenes between the two constituents.
   2つの構成素の間にポーズが挿入されると、連声は阻止される。
   p. 13.6 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
7. n-sandhi can create sequences such as [uw] that are otherwise illicit in the language.
   n連声は、他の環境では不適格とされる [uw] のような連続を生じさせることがある。
   p. 13.6 alternation asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu a-esikaruwwenkasuno
8. In recordings of the Saru dialect, n-sandhi never applies across a sentence boundary.
   沙流方言の録音資料において、n連声が文境界を越えて適用される例は皆無である。
   p. 13.6 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru n
9. In the Saru dialect, r-sandhi can apply across a sentence boundary.
   沙流方言において、r連声は文境界を越えて適用されうる。
   p. 13.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru r
10. n-sandhi is a P-structure rule sensitive to syntactic boundaries, whereas r-sandhi is a Pure phonological rule that is not sensitive to syntactic boundaries.
    n連声は統語境界に敏感なP構造規則であるのに対し、r連声は統語境界に敏感でない純粋音韻規則である。
    p. 13.6 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
11. The interrogative particle ya fuses with a preceding stem-final consonant r, as in amkir + ya > amkir_a and nankor + ya > nankora.
    疑問小詞 ya は先行する語幹末尾の子音 r と融合し、amkir + ya > amkir_a や nankor + ya > nankora のようになる。
    p. 13.7 alternation asserts extracted · anchor 73% hokkaido/southwest/saru yaamkir_anankora

Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 4

1. V1-V2 co-occurrence restrictions apply in two derivational contexts: transitive verb formation and possessive noun formation.
   V1とV2の共起制限は、他動詞形成と所属形名詞形成という2つの派生コンテクストにおいて適用される。
   p. 13.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. In transitive verb formation and possessive noun formation, V2 /i, u, e/ outnumber /a, o/ to a considerable degree.
   他動詞形成および所属名詞形成において、V2の /i, u, e/ は /a, o/ を著しく上回る頻度で生じる。
   p. 13.4 frequency reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. In transitive verb and possessive noun derivation, when V2 is /e/, V1 is either /e/ or is followed by the glides /y/ or /w/.
   他動詞および所属名詞派生において、V2が /e/ の場合、V1も /e/ であるか、または渡り音 /y/ や /w/ が前行する。
   p. 13.4 distribution reports anchored · anchor 100% ainu
4. The V1-V2 vowel co-occurrence restrictions do not expand to other morphological contexts such as the plural suffix -pa or personal prefixes, nor do they apply to underived roots.
   V1とV2の母音共起制限は、複数接尾辞 -pa や人称接頭辞などの他の形態論的環境には及ばず、非派生語根にも適用されない。
   p. 13.4 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -pa

Phrasal and Utterance Intonation 8

1. In ordinary declarative speech in the Saru dialect, pitch exhibits a natural decline without a final rise or fall at the end of the sentence.
   沙流方言の通常の平叙発話では、文末の上昇や下降を伴わず自然にピッチが下降する。
   p. 13.7 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru
2. In the Saru dialect, a rising intonation contour appears when the speaker expects a reaction from the interlocutor on a report, question, answer, request, or invitation.
   沙流方言では、報告・疑問・回答・依頼・勧誘などに対して聞き手からの反応を期待する場合に上昇イントネーションが現れる。
   p. 13.7 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru
3. In the Saru dialect, expressing exclamation or wish raises the pitch of the whole utterance and produces a lengthened rising-falling contour at the end of the sentence.
   沙流方言では、感嘆や願望を表す際に発話全体のピッチが高くなり、文末に長引く上昇下降の音調が現れる。
   p. 13.7 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru
4. In interrogative sentences in the Saru dialect, strong pitch movement and an intensity peak occur mostly on the final word, which is typically an interrogative particle such as hawe, ya, a, or he.
   沙流方言の疑問文では、強いピッチ変動と強度のピークが主に文末の語（通例 hawe, ya, a, he などの疑問小詞）に現れる。
   p. 13.7 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru haweyaahe
5. Interrogative sentences without a final rising pitch contour are attested in the Saru dialect.
   沙流方言において、文末上昇音調を伴わない疑問文の例が確認されている。
   p. 13.7 existence reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru
6. In acoustic data of the Saru dialect, sentences ending in nankora 'perhaps (interrogative)' are uttered with a falling intonation contour.
   沙流方言の音声データにおいて、nankora「たぶん（疑問）」で終わる文は下降イントネーションで発話される。
   p. 13.7 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru nankora
7. In the Tokachi dialect, a non-rising intonation contour in interrogatives occurs when a sentence ends either in a noun or nominalizer, or in a conjunctive particle followed by an interrogative particle, lacking a sentence-final predicate verb.
   十勝方言では、文末の述語動詞を欠き、名詞もしくは形式名詞、または接続小詞＋疑問小詞で文が終わる場合に、疑問文において非上昇イントネーションが生じる。
   p. 13.7 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/central/tokachi
8. In Hokkaido Ainu, a level or falling intonation contour implies that another utterance is to follow, whereas a rising contour marks the definite end of an utterance.
   北海道アイヌ語において、平坦（下降）音調は次の発話が続くことを暗示し、上昇音調は発話の明確な終末を暗示する。
   p. 13.7 form-function reports anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido

Chapters citing this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. The Handbook of the Ainu language , which she edited, assembles specialist treatments of every major domain: phonology , verbal valency , dialectology , oral literature , historical and comparative linguistics , and the revitalization movement . no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
2. The Shiraishi chapter in the Handbook provides a systematic phonetic description alongside phonemic notation ; where that chapter uses IPA symbols for phonetic detail this grammar cites the relevant IPA and maps it to its own grapheme. no page The Latin Phonemic Transcription
3. The borrowing is typographically convenient but phonologically imperfect: Japanese ン is an independent mora that contributes its own weight to the prosodic system, whereas Ainu coda /n/ is a non-moraic appendix in the same CVC syllable as its preceding vowel ; . no page Katakana Orthography and the Extended Small-Kana Codas
4. 'a), and an apostrophe notation persists in some corpus metadata, but the omission has been standard since the 1980s ; community discussion (nukopoli, aynu-corpora Discord, 2023) . no page Cyrillic and Multi-Script Rendering
5. Hokkaido Ainu has eleven consonant phonemes: /p t k c s h m n r y w/ ; ; . §2 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
6. Two consonants are excluded from syllable-final position: /c/ and /h/ never occur as codas in Hokkaido Ainu ; ; . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
7. In syllable-initial position the consonants realize as follows ; . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
8. Recordings from Chitose illustrate the conditioned [ts] allophone: the form eci=kay 'you (pl.) do' surfaces as [et͡sɨ̥kaj] with concurrent vowel devoicing (nukopoli, 2024-12-20; corroborated by ). §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
9. Before /i/ — whether as onset or coda — /s/ palatalizes to [ɕ] ; . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
10. For /h/, colouring by the following vowel is well established ; , but the degree is weaker in Ainu than in Japanese. §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
11. Speakers born around 1900 showed particularly reduced colouring, with /h/ before /u/ approaching a pure glottal articulation rather than the bilabial [ɸ] (Tamura 1998, reported via ). §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
12. The stops /p t k/ are unreleased in coda position — [p̚ t̚ k̚] — a property resembling Korean final stops and distinct from English released codas ; . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
13. After /i/, coda /s/ surfaces as [ɕ]; after other vowels it is [sʲ]~[s] ; . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
14. As codas, /m/ remains [m], while /n/ undergoes regressive place assimilation ; : §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
15. The pairs /p/~[b], /t/~[d], /k/~[g], /s/~[z] are non-contrastive, and the phonemic transcription uses the voiceless symbol throughout ; ; . §3.1 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
16. Voiced allophones arise in three phonetic environments ; : (i) intervocalic position (hapo ~ [habo]); (ii) post-nasal position (tampe ~ [tambe]); (iii) post-/r/ position (unarpe ~ [unarbe]). §3.1 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
17. Of these, post-nasal voicing is the most frequent: Yamashita (2000) measured approximately 40% application in that environment (reported via ). §3.1 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
18. In some speakers trill [r] and [d]-like articulations occur as well; Sakhalin varieties have a retroflex [ʈ] that may be hard to distinguish from [t] (reported via ). §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
19. Community discussion, citing the front-matter phonology of Tamura's Saru dictionary, stresses that Ainu /r/ 'does not resemble [l] at all' (aomidori, , 2023-12-11); Shiraishi, by contrast, lists [l] alongside [d] as possible realizations . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
20. In coda position /r/ carries a vocalic release — described as 'resounding' by Kindaichi (1931, reported via ), 'parasitic vowel' by Peng (1970, reported via ), and 'echo vowel' by Tamura (1988b, reported via ) — whose quality roughly copies the preceding vowel: pirka 'good' → [pirĭka], arki 'come (pl.)' → [arĭki] ; . §3.2; §3.2; §3.2; §3.2 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
21. The minimal pair etor [etoro] 'snot' vs etoro [etoːro] 'to snore' — where the /-rV/ word has a measurably longer pre-rhotic vowel (Asai 1976, reported via ) — is now well established ; . §3.2; §3.2 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
22. The glides /y/ [j] and /w/ [w] function as phonemic consonants in both onset and coda ; . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
23. The nominalizer suffix selects -p after a vowel and -pe after a consonant; morphemes ending in /y/ or /w/ take the consonant allomorph — okay-pe, siw-pe — establishing that /-y/ and /-w/ pattern with coda consonants ; . §3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
24. Satō (2003) further posits underlying /y w/ in Chitose for non-predictable hiatus positions while treating glide appearances after ku- and e- as surface-derived (reported via ). §4.3 The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization
25. Hokkaido Ainu has five vowel phonemes: /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/ ; ; . §2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
26. Formant measurements of the five vowels are available from Obata & Teshima (1933; three male speakers, Asahikawa and Sakhalin, the first acoustic study of Ainu) and Ōhashi (1985; two female Saru speakers, spectrographic analysis), consolidated and discussed in . §2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
27. A nine-speaker study (Saru, Mukawa, Kushiro) by Tamura & Motohashi (2002a), also reported in , confirms the main findings: /i/ and /e/ have closely spaced F1–F2 values, and /u/ has a markedly lower F2 than Japanese [ɯ]. §2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
28. At least in the well-recorded Saru (Hioka Sadamo) speech, /e/ is realized as [e̞] to [ɛ̝] and /o/ as [o̞] to [ɔ̝] — positions equivalent to the standard Japanese mid vowels え and お (nukopoli, 2024-11-08; corroborated by the Obata & Teshima and Ōhashi formant data, per ). §2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
29. The close F-space proximity of /i/ and /e/ accounts for the observation, recurring in older descriptions, that the two vowels are auditorily difficult to distinguish . §2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
30. /u/ is a close back vowel with lip rounding distinctly stronger than Japanese /ɯ/, and a lower F2, placing it further back in the vowel space than Japanese /u/ ; ; . §2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
31. The phenomenon is well documented across Hokkaido dialects, with the earliest systematic account in Kindaichi (1931) and detailed treatment in Tamura (1998), both discussed in . §2.1 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
32. A longitudinal comparison reported by Tamura (1998) — two Saru speakers from different generations — showed the younger speaker (b. 1912) devoicing approximately 25 times more often than the older (b. 1890) and in a wider range of phonological environments, including closed syllables under accent and consecutive vowels (eci̥ci̥snupehe 'your tears'); this is discussed in . §2.1 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
33. The syllable types most prone to devoicing are si and ci; the types tu, pi, and pu are reported never to devoice — a contrast with Japanese, which devoices ピ and プ in the same environment . §2.1 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
34. L2 learners influenced by kana spelling tend to over-devoice, applying devoicing beyond its natural distribution (Tamura 1998: 55, cited in ). §2.1 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
35. All length observed in performance is allophonic, arising from two distinct sources ; . §2.2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
36. Both processes are automatic and "not conducted consciously" by speakers (Kindaichi 1931: 4, cited in ); this accent-conditioned lengthening is why the yukar epic was formerly written ユーカラ (accent on yu) . §2.2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
37. A grammaticalized emphatic lengthening, distinct from the allophonic process, breaks the extended vowel with a glottal onset: wen 'bad' → weʔen 'very bad'; to 'lake' → toʔo 'faraway' (Kindaichi 1931; ). §2.2 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
38. The elements -y and -w behave as syllable-coda consonants in morphological tests (they trigger the consonant allomorph of the nominalizer -pe rather than the vowel allomorph -p: okay-pe, siw-pe) and cannot carry accent independently ; . §3 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
39. In two morphological contexts — the suffix that derives transitive verbs from intransitives, and the vowel suffix that forms the possessed (affiliative) form of nouns — the choice of suffix vowel is conditioned by the vowel of the root: kay → kay-e 'break (tr.)', mos → mos-o 'wake (tr.)', yak → yak-u 'crush'; possessed tek → tek-e 'hand', nan → nan-u 'face' ; . §4.5 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
40. The pattern is confined to two derivational contexts; it is absent from the plural suffix -pa (kom-pa, not *kom-po), from personal prefixes (ku-kor, not *ko-kor), and from underived forms; and no backness or tongue-root feature uniformly characterizes the alternating set ; ; . §4.5 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
41. A third context overrides the coda rule: immediately before the glide /w/ at a following syllable or word boundary, the coda /s/ surfaces as a plain [s] ; . §3 /s/ and the s ~ š Palatalization Alternation
42. Shiraishi describes Ainu /s/ as "often palatalized" , citing Kindaichi (1931: 9) and Tamura (1988b: 13) for the forms sini [ʃini] and as [aʃ] as early printed attestations. §3 /s/ and the s ~ š Palatalization Alternation
43. Tamura (1996) states that in Saru "the fricative is /s/ alone, close to the consonant of シ, but with individual variation; sa, se, so, su vary between a サ-type and a シャ-type pronunciation, while si is invariably シ" (reported via , nukopoli, 2023-12-11; corroborates the general pattern) ‹speculative›. §3 /s/ and the s ~ š Palatalization Alternation
44. The rule as stated in and corroborated by can be formulated: §3 /s/ and the s ~ š Palatalization Alternation
45. The use in earlier descriptions of /ʃ/ as a coda symbol (as in Shiraishi's notation as [aʃ], and Tamura's representation of coda -s after /i/ as シ) reflects the impressionistic transcription of the fully palatalized allophone, not a phonemic /ʃ/ distinct from /s/ . §3 /s/ and the s ~ š Palatalization Alternation
46. The vowel devoicing pattern that creates the relevant environment in Mukawa is independently attested in and . §2.1 /s/ and the s ~ š Palatalization Alternation
47. Hokkaido Ainu has one rhotic phoneme, /r/, the sole coronal sonorant that is neither a nasal (/m/, /n/) nor a glide (/y/, /w/) in the eleven-consonant system described in ; ; . §3 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
48. In syllable-onset position /r/ is realized as an alveolar flap [ɾ] ; . §3.1 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
49. In Sakhalin Ainu the cognate of Hokkaido /r/ is described as retroflex [ʈ], acoustically close to [t] and distinct from the Hokkaido flap . §3.1 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
50. The coda realization of /r/ carries a vocalic release — known variously in the literature as the re-sounding, the echo-vowel, or the echoing vowel — that has attracted sustained analysis since the earliest systematic descriptions . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
51. In recitation or emphatic delivery the release extends to a full vowel: [piriˑka], [mokoroˑ] . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
52. Batchelor (1905) and the early Kindaichi transcriptions wrote post-/r/ vowels as full phonemic segments — hence spellings such as koro, pirika, Ainurakkuru — without distinguishing a genuine /rV/ syllable from the echo-vowel release of a /r/-final syllable ; . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
53. Yukie Chiri (知里幸恵), in correspondence with Kindaichi around 1923, established that /r/-final words form a coherent phonological category and that the post-/r/ releases in Batchelor's transcriptions are phonologically spurious . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
54. She identified three diagnostics that separate /r/-final from /rV/-final words ; : §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
55. The minimal pair etor [etoro] 'snot' versus etoro [etoːro] 'to snore' is now well established in the literature: in the /rV/-final word the vowel preceding /r/ is measurably longer, whereas the echo-vowel in the /r/-final word is audibly shorter ; . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
56. Asai (1976) confirmed the length difference acoustically . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
57. An additional independent diagnostic, noted by Satō (2000), is that in pre-pausal position the final vowel is repeated only for /r/-final words . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
58. A perseveratory case, citarpe [citarube] (Asai 1976), shows that the copying direction is not categorically fixed . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
59. Northern dialect speakers vacillate between -r and -rV in certain lexical items (kikir ~ kikiri), suggesting ongoing redistribution between the two categories in those varieties . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
60. Published treatments describe the release as a phonological property of coda /r/ without committing to a specific articulatory model . §3.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
61. The pattern is phonetically parallel to the partial devoicing of sonorant codas reported for other languages after voiceless-onset syllables; Shiraishi's description of /r/ as a flap with voicing-conditioned variants is consistent with the conditioning, though no instrumental study targeting this specific alternation has been found in the sources read for this grammar. §3.1 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
62. The principal alternations, drawn from Nakagawa (2024: 35–37) and Shiraishi (2022: §6.1), are: /r/ + /t/ → [tt] (a=kor tar → [aˈkottar]); /r/ + /n/ → [nn] (a=kor nispa → [akonˈnispa]); /r/ + /c/ → [tc] (retar cikap → [retatˈcikap] 'swan'); /r/ + /s/ → [ss] (ar suy → [asˈsuy] 'once'); and, uniquely, a dissimilatory /r/ + /r/ → [nn] (ku=kor rusuy → [kukonˈrusuy] 'I want it') ; . §6.1 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
63. Unlike nasal-place assimilation (which is bounded by the phrase in Shiraishi's 2001 analysis), /r/-sandhi operates across phrasal and sentence boundaries as a postlexical rule ; (antitwilight, 2024-11-23) ‹corpus-confirmed›. §6.2 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
64. The two laryngeal elements have distinct distributional profiles: /h/ occupies the onset of its syllable with vowel-conditioned allophony; [ʔ] marks the onset of vowel-initial syllables as a phonetically automatic boundary cue in the majority analysis, though it functions as a lexically contrastive phoneme in the accentless Shizunai dialect ; ; . §4.3 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
65. Tamura (1970: 586–587, cited via ) distinguishes a perceptible stop — arising when the following vowel carries lexical accent and/or occurs in a closed syllable — from a barely perceptible transition that amounts to no more than the syllable-division point. §4.3 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
66. Attested forms in which the stop is clearly audible include [aˈʔep] 'food', [aˈʔoypep] 'tableware', [oˈʔatteke], [eˈʔunpipka], and [teˈʔeta] 'long ago' (Tamura 1970: 586, cited via ). §4.3 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
67. Whether [ʔ] constitutes an underlying phoneme /ʔ/ in Hokkaido Ainu is contested . §4.3 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
68. Kindaichi (1931, cited via ) documents the pattern in Saru: §2.2 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
69. Three allophones are conditioned by the following vowel ; : §3.1 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
70. Tamura (1998: 41, cited via ) reports that speakers born around 1900 showed only weak vowel-coloring of /h/, with the [ɸ] before /u/ approaching a glottal quality in particular tokens. §3.1 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
71. This /h/ is a morphological insertion restricted to the affiliative formation and does not represent an underlying coda in the root (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936: 14, cited via ). n.8 The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question
72. The Hokkaido Ainu syllable has the shape (C)V(C): an optional onset consonant, a single vowel nucleus, and an optional coda consonant ; ; . §4.1 Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints
73. Two or more consonants in sequence occur only at a syllable boundary, never within a single syllable: the shapes CCVC, CVCC, and CVVC are all excluded ; . §4.1 Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints
74. Nakagawa rejects this on the grounds that no minimal pair exists in monomorphemic forms and that positing /ʔ/ requires many costly deletion rules , a judgement shared by Refsing and Chiri (1942) as reported by . §4.3 Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints
75. Resyllabification is blocked when the following vowel bears secondary accent or when the boundary separates a reduplicant from its base, where a glottal boundary element appears instead . §4.4 Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints
76. The two excluded from coda position in Hokkaido Ainu are the affricate /c/ [ʨ] and the laryngeal /h/; the remaining nine — stops /p t k/, fricative /s/, nasals /m n/, rhotic /r/, and glides /y w/ — all appear as codas ; ; . §3 Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints
77. The coda stops /p t k/ are realized as unreleased [p̚ t̚ k̚] — closure is maintained but no burst follows, a pattern similar to Korean final stops and unlike English ; . §3 Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints
78. The standard modern analysis treats post-vocalic y and w as coda consonants, assigning syllables like ay, muy, haw, and kew to the CVC slot of the (C)V(C) canon alongside cep, sin, and ker ; . §3 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
79. The participant/event nominalizer has two allomorphs conditioned by the final segment of the base: -p attaches to vowel-final stems and -pe to consonant-final stems ; . §3 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
80. On the consonant analysis they are regular: /y/ and /w/ are consonants, and -pe is the expected allomorph . §3 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
81. Kindaichi & Chiri (cited via ) analysed post-vocalic y and w as the second elements of falling diphthongs. §3 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
82. The consonant analysis is adopted by Nakagawa , Shiraishi , and Satō , and is the working assumption of this grammar ‹consensus›. §3 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
83. Their onset and coda realizations are phonetically identical — onset [j] = coda [i̯], onset [w] = coda [u̯] — which is consistent with a single phoneme appearing in both positions, parallel to /m n r/ in Hokkaido Ainu ; . §3 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
84. Nakagawa states that no root has any of these as its initial syllable, and that syllables of the shape yi-C, wi-C, wu-C do not exist in the language ; the same point is made in Shiraishi , with attribution to Kindaichi 1931:13 and Tamura 1988b:14. §4.2 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
85. Shiraishi cites yayirwakikor (< yay irwaki kor) as a compound containing surface [ji] at an internal boundary, and awun mimtar (< aw un mimtar) as containing [wu]. §4.2 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
86. The theoretical distinction matters because Standard Japanese pitch accent is analysed as a falling nucleus (下り核) — the distinctive cue is where pitch drops — whereas Ainu has a rising nucleus (上り核アクセント) — the distinctive cue is where pitch rises from low to high ; . §5 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
87. In standard-accent dialects, the position of the accent depends entirely on the structure of σ1 — the first syllable of the prosodic word — regardless of total word length ; ; . §5.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
88. Kindaichi and Chiri reached the same characterization: "the iambic rule is dominant" (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936: 11, reported via ). §5.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
89. What is contrastive is solely the location of the L→H transition ; . §5 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
90. (; .) §5.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
91. Pitch is not assigned to every mora or syllable independently, as in a tone language; a single accent nucleus per word marks the site of the rising boundary, and syllables before it are uniformly low ; ; . §5 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
92. The system involves no lexical tone and no vowel reduction correlating with accent position . §5 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
93. The surface output phonetically resembles Standard Japanese pitch accent — Tamura (1988b: 13) remarked on the similarity (reported via ) — but the two systems are organized in structurally opposite ways, as the next section sets out. §5 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
94. The same asymmetry was recognized under the term 昇り核 'rising kernel' by Hattori (1961) and Tamura (1970), reported via . §5 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
95. The accented vowel also tends to lengthen allophonically in polysyllables, particularly in north-eastern accent dialects — Kindaichi (1931: 4) noted forms such as ˈnuːman 'yesterday' and poˈroː 'big', describing the lengthening as "not conducted consciously" (reported via ). §5 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
96. Shiraishi reformulates the same pattern as an iambic (LH) foot: accent on σ2 when σ1 is light, on σ1 when σ1 is heavy — a weight-sensitive rhythmic pattern widespread across languages . §5.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
97. Kindaichi and Chiri (1936: 11) concluded from their materials that "the iambic rule is dominant" (reported via ). §5.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
98. Third, the analysis of coda /-y/ and /-w/ as consonants rather than as the second element of a diphthong (argued independently in on morphological and phonotactic grounds) is consistent with syllable-based accent: ka.muy 'deity' (two syllables, σ2 = CVC) receives accent on σ2 as an undivided unit; there is no evidence that the internal /-y/ constitutes a separate accent-bearing mora ; . §3, §5.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
99. A stem whose open σ1 would otherwise take σ2 accent by 原則2 shifts its accent one syllable toward the word boundary ; : §5.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
100. The sources consulted do not argue for it: Shiraishi characterizes the pattern as iambic and syllable-based , and Nakagawa states the rule in syllable-structure terms ‹contested›. §5.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
101. This is the position of Nakagawa , Shiraishi , and Satō , as well as Kindaichi and Chiri (1936: 11) (reported via ). §5.1; §5.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
102. Shiraishi terms this the iambic (LH) pattern: words with a heavy (closed) first syllable are trochaic in accent, and words with a light (open) first syllable are iambic . §5.1 Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs
103. Three such pairs are established in the descriptive literature ; : §5.1 Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs
104. This stands in contrast with Standard Japanese, whose falling nucleus (下り核アクセント) marks the syllable after which pitch drops . §5 Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs
105. Neither nor states a loan-specific accent rule, and the application of the placement rules to adapted loanforms is an inference from the general description of the system rather than a directly documented observation. no page Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs
106. These rules evaluate the prosodic word as their domain: a prefix or compounding element that fuses with a base creates a new prosodic word, and the placement rules are reapplied from the new left edge ; ; . §5.1–5.2 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
107. notes a set of lexicalized compound nouns that carry the iambic pattern even when the front element's isolated accent would predict otherwise: hasínaw, cepétu 'fish snout', nayétok 'stream source' all show accent on σ2 of the compound, as if the form were an underived disyllabic root. §5.2 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
108. A regular causative derivation from kor 'have' + -e would yield *kóre (σ1 kor = CVC → 原則1 → σ1 accented); the attested form is koré, with accent on σ2 ; . §5.2 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
109. The person-marking prefixes ku= (1SG agent/subject), e= (2SG), and ci= (inclusive 1PL) form a single prosodic word with their base ; ; . §5.1 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
110. The indefinite-person prefix a= and the 2PL prefix eci= leave the accent of the base unchanged ; ; . §5.1 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
111. When a personal-number suffix (=an, =as) attaches to a vowel-final verb stem, the suffix carries a secondary (lower-level) accent alongside the primary stem accent . §5.1 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
112. When the stem ends in a consonant, the secondary accent on the suffix is lost: cis=an 'we cry' and sap=an 'we go out' carry only the primary accent on σ1 (both stems have closed σ1 → 原則1) with no secondary peak on =an . §5.1 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
113. Applied to the Hokkaido Ainu person-affix paradigm, the test produces: prefixes — ku=, e=, ci=, en=; clitics — a=, eci= ; . §5.1 Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
114. Hokkaido Ainu has a pitch-accent system in which the phonologically distinctive unit is the syllable at which F0 rises — a rising-nucleus (上り核アクセント) system — in contrast with Standard Japanese, whose falling-nucleus system marks the syllable at which F0 subsequently drops ; . §5 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
115. (; .) Words in the exception class — which includes nísap, nína, húre 'red', sísam 'Japanese person', and a score of others — have σ1 open (CV) yet accent σ1 instead of the regular σ2. §5.1 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
116. The accented syllable is slightly lengthened in polysyllabic words, more markedly in north-eastern dialects (Asai 1972/1976, reported via ). §5 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
117. In Saru declarative utterances, F0 follows a natural declining course from the beginning to the end of the utterance, without a sentence-final intonation gesture — neither a terminal rise nor a marked fall (Tamura 1996: 4, reported via ). §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
118. Acoustic measurements on Saru speech confirm this pattern (Tamura and Motohashi 2002b; Makarova 2002, both reported via ). §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
119. Simeon (1968, reported via ) characterizes the prosodic status of non-final clause boundaries in Ainu: a level or falling contour signals that the utterance is not yet complete and more follows, while a rising terminal marks the utterance as prosodically finished. §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
120. An acoustic study of 35 Saru interrogative utterances found that the peak falls on the last word, normally one of the interrogative particles hawe, ya, a, or he (Makarova 2002, reported via ). §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
121. Tamura's Saru description extends the rising pattern to any utterance in which the speaker expects a reaction — a question, a report from the listener, a request, or an invitation (Tamura 1996: 4, reported via ). §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
122. A form transcribed as amkir_a (from amkir ya 'have you been?') was realized with falling pitch at the utterance end (Tamura and Motohashi 2002b, reported via ). §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
123. A contact explanation is plausible: Hokkaido Japanese uses falling intonation even in yes/no questions, and this influence has been suggested for some falling interrogative realizations in Ainu ‹contested›. §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
124. In such cases the final F0 is level or falling, and the utterance communicates incompleteness or a request for confirmation rather than a settled assertion (, drawing on Tokachi data). §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
125. Exclamatory and optative utterances in Saru are produced at a pitch level elevated above the normal declarative baseline throughout, with the final syllable or syllables carrying a lengthened rise-fall (Tamura 1996: 4, reported via ). §7 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
126. Affixes ku=, e=, and ci= form a single prosodic word with their host and shift the stem's accent; a= and eci= do not shift accent and are prosodically less integrated (Kindaichi 1931; Tamura 1970, both reported via ; ). §5.1 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
127. Second, personal suffixes such as =as (exclusive 1pl) and =an (4th person S) carry a secondary accent alongside the primary stem accent in open-syllable stems: iˈruska=ˌas 'we (excl.) are angry', ipˈe=ˌan (Kindaichi 1931; Tamura 1970, reported via ). §5.1 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
128. In /r/-sandhi, the coda /r/ of one morpheme is deleted and the following consonant geminates; /r/ is thereby the most morphophonologically productive segment in the language ; ; . §6.1 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
129. Independently, the coda nasal /n/ undergoes two distinct processes: it assimilates in place of articulation to a following labial or velar (an allophonic rule), and before following continuants /s/, /y/, and /w/ it triggers a morphophonological change — /n/-sandhi proper — which is more restricted in domain than /r/-sandhi ; . §3, §6.1 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
130. The rule applies word-internally, at compound boundaries, and across word boundaries; it is not blocked by pauses within an utterance, and it crosses sentence boundaries without restriction (§4.1 below) ; . §6.1 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
131. Shiraishi (2022: §6.1), drawing on Shiraishi (2001), characterizes the trigger consonants as the coronal class — /n/, /c/, /t/, /r/ — with /s/ and /y/ also attested as triggers in northern dialects (Chiri 1956: 343, cited in ). §6.1 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
132. The coda /m/ does not undergo velar assimilation before /k/ and remains [m] in that environment ; . §3 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
133. This anecdotal ML observation does not add to the primary-source evidence for the rule — established in and — but illustrates how pervasive /r/-sandhi is in connected-speech corpora. §6.1 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
134. okay-pe, siw-pe), while vowel-initial stems take -p even when preceded by an epenthetic glide: iyomante-p, not *iyomante-pe ; . §3 Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
135. The relevant prefixes are the indefinite-object/antipassive and the reciprocal prefix ; . §4.3 Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
136. Satō (1996, 2003, cited in Shiraishi 2022 §4.3) establishes on Chitose data that R1 and R2 are morphosyntactically conditioned: they apply only at a productive prefix boundary — after , , and variably — and not after the second-person-plural prefix , after applicative , nor at the juncture between an incorporated noun and its verbal host . §4.3 Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
137. The (C)V(C) syllable canon prohibits consonant clusters in onset position and disallows more than one vowel per syllable ; . §4.1 Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
138. In non-prominent environments the transition is gradual rather than sharply glottalized . §4.3 Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
139. Shiraishi documents: keran (< kera=an 'is delicious'), sisotta (< siso or=ta 'on the fireplace'), and noya noya (< noye a noye a). §4.3 Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
140. The analysis thus involves two interacting processes: underlying phonemes in some contexts, and surface-phonological glide formation in others ‹contested›. §4.3 Glide Epenthesis and Vowel-Hiatus Resolution
141. The echo-vowel carries no accent, does not feed the nominalizer allomorphy, and disappears when /r/ resyllabifies before a following vowel-initial morpheme ; . §3.2 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
142. Sources: ; ; . §6.1 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
143. The palatalization rule /t/ → /c/ [ʨ] before a following onset /i/ is the one sandhi alternation that applies categorically in all Hokkaido dialects without exception ; ; . §6.1 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
144. Resyllabification is prerequisite: the morphemic sequence …V.ti… resyllabifies to give …V.C, placing the erstwhile coda /t/ in onset position before the /i/ syllable; the resulting /ti/ then palatalizes to /ci/ [ʨi] ; . §5.2 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
145. Sources: ; ; . §6.1 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
146. The same accent pattern holds for the parallel lexicalized causatives treated in . §5.2 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
147. The vowel that appears after the root consonant is conditioned by the root's final vowel, following co-occurrence restrictions that are not simple spreading ; . §4.5 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
148. An additional morphologically restricted /h/-insertion between a vowel-final root and a following possessive vowel — ona-a → ona-h-a 'his father', siki-i → siki-h-i 'his eyes' (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936: 14, reported via ) — is also treated in . n. 8 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
149. The crucial ordering point is that the accent shift occurs before vowel deletion: the surface accent is computed from the prefixed word, not re-derived from the contracted form ; . §5.1 Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction
150. Thus omáre → a=omáre (accent unchanged) ; . §5.1 Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction
151. This contrasts with the morpheme-internal resyllabification seen in true derivational junctures such as sik-o → [si.ko] ; . §4.4 Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction
152. This secondary accent disappears when the stem ends in a CVC syllable: ˈcis-an 'one cries', ˈsap-an . §5.1 Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction
153. Accent shift: the inner class (ku=, e=, ci=) triggers prosodic-word formation and reapplication of accent rules; the outer class (a=, eci=) does not (§4 above; ; ). §5.1 Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction
154. The syllable canon is (C)V(C), so each copy is an independently well-formed syllable (; ); consonant clusters at the juncture arise only when an assimilation rule applies (§§3–4 below), not from the copying itself. §4.1 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
155. Across ordinary morpheme boundaries a coda consonant resyllabifies onto a following vowel-initial syllable: sik-o → [ˈsi.ko], mat-ak → [ˈma.tak] (; ). §4.4 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
156. Both conditions are documented by Tamura (1998: 41–42), reported in . §4.4 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
157. Productive glide insertion at person-prefix boundaries — e.g., i= + omante → iyomante — is a distinct operation in a different prosodic domain; it is morpho-syntactically conditioned and does not extend to the reduplicant-base boundary (; ). §4.3 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
158. The palatalization rule t → c / __ i applies without exception in Hokkaido Ainu: mat + ikor → macikor, rekut-i → rekuci (; ). §6.1 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
159. No attested /t/-final + /i/-initial reduplication pair has been identified in the sources read for this grammar; the blocking prediction follows from the interaction of the independently documented resyllabification block (§3) and the palatalization rule (; ) ‹speculative›. §4.4, §6.1 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
160. Nakagawa documents r-sandhi word-internally and across words (), and Shiraishi establishes it as a purely phonological rule with no prosodic-domain restriction (). §6.2 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
161. The stop-coda form rikip is consistent with the nominalizer allomorphy: the nominalizer surfaces as -p after a vowel-final stem (; ). §3 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction