Skip to content
A Grammar of Hokkaido Ainu

Knowledge base · source

Nakagawa & Fukazawa 2022

Nakagawa Hiroshi 中川裕 & Fukazawa Mika 深澤美香 (2022). Hokkaido Ainu dialects: Towards a classification of Ainu dialects. Handbook of the Ainu language (HJLL 12). De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin & Boston.

db.aynu.org/2022-nakagawa-hiroshi-hokkaido-ainu-dialects-towards-a-classification-of prior-analysis general text held locally OCR handbook-epub: 6 leaves, 6 with a printed page

46chapters citing
107citing sentences
4examples
73statements extracted
73claims with a stance

Claims this source takes a position on

Grouped by topic. The stance is this source's; the other sources that assert, propose, doubt or reject the same claim are listed after it.

Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters 1

  1. 子音の逆行同化（tk > kk、pt > tt、rs > ssなど）は東部方言の特徴であり、特に美幌方言で顕著である。
    asserts

Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses 4

  1. 「一定時間ある動作を行った結果、こうなった」ことを表す接続助詞は、多くの地域では ayne であるが、十勝方言では ahinne である。
    asserts
  2. 条件を表す接続助詞 ko は、虻田、幌別、様似、釧路、白糠の諸方言に見られる。
    asserts
  3. 十勝、石狩、沙流、千歳方言では、条件の接続助詞 ko は kor として現れ、「〜しながら」を意味する kor と同形をとる。
    asserts
  4. 静内方言では、ko の代わりに（おそらく kor-no に由来する）konno という形が用いられる。
    asserts

The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an 1

  1. 静内以東のいくつかの地域の方言では、動作の継続と状態の持続の双方に kane または kan を用いる。
    asserts

The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect 1

  1. 虻田方言では、結果の継続を表す形式 wa okay が存在動詞 okay の後、および動作の継続を表す形式 kor okay の後に後続しうる。
    reports

Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka) 1

  1. 沙流および千歳方言では、存在動詞の複数形 okay は末尾の -y が脱落した形 oka として現れる。
    asserts

Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question 1

  1. 子音交替 y:w において、他方言が y を持つところで八雲が w を持ち、他方言が w を持つところで幌別と帯広が y を持つことが特徴的である。
    asserts

The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question 2

  1. 第1音節が開音節であるために第2音節にアクセントが落ちる場合、地理的により東方の方言において語頭の /h/ が脱落することが多い。
    asserts
  2. 語頭の /h/ の添加は、北海道北東部に位置する無アクセント型方言において顕著である。
    asserts

Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry 3

  1. アイヌ語は地理的基盤に基づき、北海道方言・樺太方言・千島方言の3地域方言群に大別される。
    reports asserts: bugaeva2016 2 statements
  2. 宗谷方言の基礎語彙は樺太方言との類似性を示すが、全体としては北海道東部方言に分類される。
    asserts
  3. 北海道の北東部方言と南西部方言の間には、語彙・音韻・語形成において違いが見られるものの、文法上の大きな差異は見られない。
    reports

Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas 8

  1. 「行く」という意味の動詞は沙流方言および千歳方言では arpa であるが、他の方言ではすべて oman である。
    asserts
  2. 「舌」を意味する語 parunpe は ca- 地域でも pa- を用い、carunpe という語は存在しない。
    asserts
  3. ca「口」を含む慣用表現 sanca or ta mina kane「唇に笑みを浮かべて」は pa- 地域においても用いられる。
    asserts
  4. 親族名称 iyapo「父」は、沙流川河口付近に孤立して分布している。
    asserts
  5. 「歯」を意味する形式は方言によって mimak、nimak、imak、imah などと異なり、同源に由来するとみなされる。
    asserts
  6. 親族名称mici「父」は、東の千島から西の幌別まで太平洋沿岸全域に広く分布している。
    asserts
  7. 「来る」という意味の動詞は北海道方言全般で ek であり、樺太方言全般では規則的に対応する形式 eh である。
    asserts
  8. 千歳方言においてpapusとpatoyの2形は意味上使い分けられており、前者は「口の突き出た部分」、後者は「唇全体」を意味する。
    reports

Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax 4

  1. 一連の語彙において、南西（道西）部方言の語頭 pa- は北東（道東）部方言の ca- に対応する。
    asserts asserts: nakagawa2024 2 statements
  2. 他方言で -iw のところに -uy を持つ交替（音位転換の一種）は、特に美幌方言および釧路方言の特徴である。
    asserts
  3. 服部・知里（1960）において様似方言の tu は cu として現れるが、これは話者の個人方言とも考えられる。
    reports
  4. 「口」を意味する形式のセットには par、car、cara、caru がある。
    asserts

Hortative, Optative, and Cohortative 1

  1. 勧誘（「〜しよう」）の意味を表す終助詞として、沙流・千歳・幌別・八雲・旭川・名寄・宗谷では ro、旭川・名寄・帯広では rok、浦河・様似では no が用いられる。
    asserts

Imperative and Prohibitive (Directive Mood) 1

  1. 石狩方言では、動詞単数形に終助詞 ya を後続させて単数命令を表す。
    asserts asserts: nakagawa2024 2 statements

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 2

  1. 沙流方言および千歳方言では、自動詞の4人称主格接辞は複数語幹だけでなく単数語幹の動詞とも共起できる。
    asserts
  2. 沙流方言および千歳方言には四人称における単複の区別が存在する。
    asserts

Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns 4

  1. 沙流方言では、1人称代名詞 kuani「私」と ciokay「私たち」が縮約してそれぞれ kani および coka の形をとる。
    asserts
  2. 千歳方言には、1人称複数代名詞として coka のほかに cokay という形もある。
    asserts
  3. 沙流および千歳方言には、複数形に対応する4人称代名詞 aoka に加えて、単数形に対応する代名詞 asinuma が存在する。
    asserts
  4. 静内方言および幌別方言には、所有接頭辞 an-、単数存在動詞 an、所属接尾辞または名詞化辞 -i からなる単数形の代名詞 an-an-i がある。
    asserts

Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways 1

  1. 「口」を表す2つの形式carとparは、語幹ca-/pa-にor「～の内部」が加わって形成されたと考えられる。
    asserts

Interrogative, Indefinite, and Negative-Polarity Pro-forms 9

  1. 「どこで／どこに」を表す疑問詞句は、沙流・千歳方言では hunak ta（hinak ta）、他の北海道方言では ney ta（nei ta）、樺太アイヌ語では nah ta（nahta）である。
    asserts asserts: nakagawa2024 2 statements
  2. 北海道アイヌ語の大半の方言において、疑問詞直後に焦点副助詞 ta を置くことで疑問の意味を示すことができる。
    asserts
  3. 「どこへ」を意味する疑問詞句は、沙流・千歳で hunak un / hinak un、西部方言で ney un / nei un、東部の様似・帯広（および静内・浦河）で固有の形式 enon、北海道のその他の地域および樺太で ney ne / nei ne となる。
    asserts
  4. 西部方言では「いくつ」がhempak(-pe)、「いつ」がhemparaであるのに対し、東部方言ではそれぞれnempak(-pe)、nemparaである。
    asserts
  5. 西部方言では「どの…／どれ」がinan…またはinan(-pe/-ike)であるのに対し、東部方言ではinkian/inkean…またはnean…（およびその名詞化形）である。
    asserts
  6. 沙流・千歳グループを除く北海道アイヌ語の大部分の方言では、疑問代名詞と不定代名詞が同形であり、不定詞として用いられる場合には義務的ではないもののnep ka(y)のようにka(y)「も」を伴うことがある。
    asserts
  7. 樺太アイヌ語において疑問詞「何」はhemataという形をとる。
    asserts
  8. 沙流・千歳の疑問詞hemanta「何」のtaは焦点副助詞taに由来して化石化した接尾辞であり、さらに焦点助詞taを加えた冗長な構造（例：hemanta ta?「何？」）が可能である。
    asserts
  9. 沙流・千歳グループでは、不定名詞nep「何か」およびnen「誰か」が疑問詞hemanta「何」およびhunna「誰」と対立している。
    asserts

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

  1. 「唇」を表す形式は「口」の語幹ca-/pa-にpus「穂」またはtoy「土、土地」が複合したものであり、capus（樺太ではcaapus）、papus、patoy、catoy（千島北部占守島ではchātoi）の4種類が認められる。
    asserts

The Structure of the Noun Phrase 1

  1. 沙流方言および千歳方言には並立助詞 newa は存在せず、名詞句の並置によって等位接続を表す。
    asserts asserts: nakagawa2024 2 statements

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 3

  1. 人称接辞の付き方は少なくとも平取・貫気別方言と幌別方言の間で大きく異なり、この特徴に関して幌別は帯広・釧路・旭川などの方言とより類似している。
    asserts
  2. 沙流方言および千歳方言では、他動詞の人称標示はすべて接頭辞によって実現される。
    asserts
  3. 沙流・千歳方言以外の北海道方言（人称接辞の記述があるもの）では、他動詞の人称標示は接頭辞と接尾辞の双方（挟辞のよう）に現れる。
    asserts

Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction 1

  1. 沙流方言および千歳方言において、人称接辞 ku= および ci= は母音 a, u, e, o で始まる語の前でそれぞれ k= および c= に縮約する。
    asserts asserts: nakagawa2024 2 statements

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 10

  1. 北海道アイヌ語諸方言は、アクセント規則の適用状況に応じて標準アクセント型・不規則アクセント型・無アクセント型の3群に大別される。
    asserts
  2. 八雲方言では、第1・第2音節がともに開音節である場合、第3音節が高くなる。
    asserts
  3. 様似方言では、語の最終音節が高くなる傾向がある。
    asserts
  4. 浦河方言は無アクセント方言である。
    asserts
  5. 様似方言は無アクセント方言として知られる。
    asserts
  6. 長万部方言では、アクセントのピークが沙流方言と比べて語の中で1音節後ろに移動することが知られている。
    asserts
  7. 八雲方言では、アクセントのピークが沙流方言と比べて語の中で1音節後ろに移動することが知られている。
    asserts
  8. 白糠方言は無アクセント方言であると考えられている。
    proposes
  9. アイヌ語において高低アクセントは音韻論的な弁別機能を持ち、アクセントの位置のみによって区別される最小対が存在する。
    asserts
  10. 大半の語において、第1音節が閉音節であれば第1音節が高くなり、開音節であれば第2音節が高くなる。
    asserts

Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental 3

  1. アイヌ語諸方言において、向格格助詞は un、en、(e)ne の3つの形をとる。
    asserts
  2. 旭川方言では、後置副詞 ekota が方向（向格）の意味を表すために用いられる。
    asserts
  3. 沙流方言および千歳方言には並置助詞が存在しない。
    asserts

Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes 1

  1. ca- : pa-の対応は母音e、i、o、uの前には見られず、真の意味での音韻対応とは言えない。
    asserts

Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison 2

  1. 南千島方言は北海道方言と大きな差がなく、一般に北海道方言に分類される。
    reports
  2. 北千島方言は北海道方言とは明確に異なっている。
    asserts

Sequential wa and Clause Chaining 2

  1. 幌別、沙流、千歳方言では、継起は主に wa および hine で表され、tek は動作が軽微で短い時間で行われたことを表す補助動詞として圧倒的に用いられる。
    asserts
  2. 静内、様似、十勝、釧路、白糠、石狩などの諸方言では、tek は継起の接続助詞として頻繁に用いられる。
    asserts

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 2

  1. 動詞後続要素（樺太の (a)hci、静内・幌別・白糠の ci、沙流・千歳・石狩の pa など）によって、単複の区別のない動詞に複数意味を付加したり、動詞の複数形にさらに複数意味を付加したりすることができる。
    asserts
  2. 北海道アイヌ語において、動詞後続の複数標識 ci はより古い形と考えられ、沙流・千歳・石狩方言では新たに発達した pa によって置き換えられた。
    proposes

Topic and Focus Marking: anak(ne), patek, and ka 1

  1. 北海道東部の一部の諸方言では、助詞 ka および -ka で終わる接続助詞（yakka、korka など）の末尾に -y が付加して kay、yakkay、korkay として現れる。
    asserts

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 2

  1. 母音交替 u:o において、他方言が u を持つところで宗谷方言が o を持つことが特徴的である。
    asserts
  2. 母音交替 o:e において、大半の北海道方言が o を持つところで八雲方言が e を持つことが特徴的である。
    asserts

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry 3

  1. Ainu is broadly divided into Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and Kuril dialect groups.
    アイヌ語は北海道方言、樺太方言、千島方言に大別される。
    p. 8.2 analysis reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
  2. Between the northeastern and southwestern dialects of Hokkaido, differences in vocabulary, phonology, and word formation are found, but no major grammatical differences exist.
    北海道の北東部方言と南西部方言の間には、語彙・音韻・語形成において違いが見られるものの、文法上の大きな差異は見られない。
    p. 8.2 variation reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido
  3. The basic vocabulary of the Sōya dialect displays similarities to Sakhalin dialects, but overall the dialect is grouped with eastern Hokkaido Ainu.
    宗谷方言の基礎語彙は樺太方言との類似性を示すが、全体としては北海道東部方言に分類される。
    p. 8.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido

Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas 8

  1. Depending on the dialect, the forms meaning 'tooth' vary among mimak, nimak, imak, and imah, which derive from a common source.
    「歯」を意味する形式は方言によって mimak、nimak、imak、imah などと異なり、同源に由来するとみなされる。
    p. 8.2 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu mimaknimakimakimah
  2. The verb meaning 'come' is ek in all Hokkaido dialects and the regularly corresponding form eh in all Sakhalin dialects.
    「来る」という意味の動詞は北海道方言全般で ek であり、樺太方言全般では規則的に対応する形式 eh である。
    p. 8.2 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaidosakhalin ekeh
  3. The verb meaning 'go' is arpa in the Saru and Chitose dialects, but oman in all other dialects.
    「行く」という意味の動詞は沙流方言および千歳方言では arpa であるが、他の方言ではすべて oman である。
    p. 8.2 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitosehokkaido arpaoman
  4. In Chitose Ainu, the two forms papus and patoy are distinguished in meaning, with papus meaning 'a part of the mouth that sticks out' and patoy meaning 'the whole of the lips'.
    千歳方言においてpapusとpatoyの2形は意味上使い分けられており、前者は「口の突き出た部分」、後者は「唇全体」を意味する。
    p. 8.5 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose papuspatoy
  5. The word for 'tongue' uses pa- even in ca- dialect areas as parunpe (< par 'mouth', un 'be in', pe 'thing'), and the form carunpe does not exist.
    「舌」を意味する語parunpe（< par「口」＋un「～にある」＋pe「もの」）はca-地域でもpa-を用い、carunpeという語は存在しない。
    p. 8.5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido parunpecarunpe
  6. The idiom sanca or ta mina kane 'to have a smile on one's lips' is used even in pa- dialect regions.
    pa-地域においても、sanca or ta mina kane（< san「前へ」＋ca「口」＋or「所」＋ta「格助詞」＋mina「笑う」＋kane「～ながら」）「唇に笑みを浮かべて」という慣用表現が用いられる。
    p. 8.5 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido sanca or ta mina kane
  7. The kinship term mici 'father' is distributed along the entire Pacific Coast from the Kurils on the east to Horobetsu on the west.
    親族名称mici「父」は、東の千島から西の幌別まで太平洋沿岸全域に広く分布している。
    p. 8.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% kurilhokkaido/southwest/horobetsuhokkaido mici
  8. The form iyapo 'father' is found in an isolated distribution around the mouth of the Saru River.
    「父」を表す形式iyapoは、沙流川河口付近に孤立して分布している。
    p. 8.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru iyapo

Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax 4

  1. The set of forms meaning 'mouth' includes par, car, cara, and caru.
    「口」を意味する形式のセットには par、car、cara、caru がある。
    p. 8.2 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu parcarcaracaru
  2. In the pseudo-sound correspondence ca-:pa-, forms taking pa- are found in southwestern dialects while those taking ca- are found in northeastern dialects.
    擬似音対応 ca-:pa- において、pa- をとる形は南西方言に、ca- をとる形は北東訪言に見出される。
    p. 8.3 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwesthokkaido/northeast ca-pa-
  3. Having -uy where other dialects have -iw is a characteristic sound alternation (metathesis) found especially in Bihoro and Kushiro.
    他方言で -iw のところに -uy を持つ交替（音位転換の一種）は、特に美幌方言および釧路方言の特徴である。
    p. 8.3 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/northeast/kitamihokkaido/northeast/kushiro -iw-uysíwninsuynincíwcuy
  4. In Hattori and Chiri (1960), tu appears as cu in the Samani dialect, though this may represent speaker idiolect.
    服部・知里（1960）において様似方言の tu は cu として現れるが、これは話者の個人方言とも考えられる。
    p. 8.6 variation reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/samani tucu

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 3

  1. The way personal affixes attach differs greatly between the Biratori and Nukibetsu dialects on the one hand and the Horobetsu dialect on the other, with Horobetsu being more similar in this respect to dialects like Obihiro, Kushiro, and Asahikawa.
    人称接辞の付き方は少なくとも平取・貫気別方言と幌別方言の間で大きく異なり、この特徴に関して幌別は帯広・釧路・旭川などの方言とより類似している。
    p. 8.2 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/southwest/horobetsuhokkaido/central/tokachihokkaido/northeast/kushirohokkaido/central/asahikawa
  2. In the Saru and Chitose dialects, person marking on transitive verbs is realized entirely by prefixes.
    沙流方言および千歳方言では、他動詞の人称標示はすべて接頭辞によって実現される。
    p. 8.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose
  3. In all Hokkaido dialects other than Saru and Chitose for which person affixes are documented, transitive verb person marking is expressed by both prefixes and suffixes as circumfixes.
    沙流・千歳方言以外の北海道方言（人称接辞の記述があるもの）では、他動詞の人称標示は接頭辞と接尾辞の双方（挟辞のよう）に現れる。
    p. 8.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido

Interrogative, Indefinite, and Negative-Polarity Pro-forms 9

  1. The interrogative phrase meaning 'where (at-where)' is hunak ta or hinak ta in Saru and Chitose dialects, ney ta or nei ta in other Hokkaido dialects, and nah ta in Sakhalin Ainu.
    「どこで」を意味する疑問詞句は、沙流・千歳方言では hunak ta または hinak ta、他の北海道方言では ney ta または nei ta、樺太では nah ta である。
    p. 8.2 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitosehokkaidosakhalin hunak tahinak taney tanei tanah ta
  2. The interrogative phrase meaning 'where (to-where)' is hunak un or hinak un in Saru and Chitose, ney un or nei un in western dialects, enon in Samani, Obihiro, Shizunai, and Urakawa, and ney ne or nei ne in the rest of Hokkaido and in Sakhalin.
    「どこへ」を意味する疑問詞句は、沙流・千歳で hunak un / hinak un、西部方言で ney un / nei un、東部の様似・帯広（および静内・浦河）で固有の形式 enon、北海道のその他の地域および樺太で ney ne / nei ne となる。
    p. 8.2 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/samanihokkaido/central/tokachihokkaido/southwest/shizunaihokkaidosakhalin hunak unhinak unney unnei unenonney nenei ne
  3. In Western Hokkaido dialects, 'how many' is hempak(-pe) and 'when' is hempara, whereas in Eastern Hokkaido dialects they are nempak(-pe) and nempara.
    西部方言では「いくつ」がhempak(-pe)、「いつ」がhemparaであるのに対し、東部方言ではそれぞれnempak(-pe)、nemparaである。
    p. 8.5 variation asserts extracted · anchor 73% hokkaido hempakhempakpenempaknempakpehemparanempara
  4. In Western Hokkaido dialects, 'which' is inan... or inan(-pe/-ike), whereas in Eastern Hokkaido dialects it is inkian/inkean... or nean... (and their nominalized forms).
    西部方言では「どの…／どれ」がinan…またはinan(-pe/-ike)であるのに対し、東部方言ではinkian/inkean…またはnean…（およびその名詞化形）である。
    p. 8.5 variation asserts extracted · anchor 68% hokkaido inaninanpeinanikeinkianinkeannean
  5. In the Saru-Chitose group, the indefinite nouns nep 'something' and nen 'somebody' contrast with the interrogatives hemanta 'what' and hunna 'who'.
    沙流・千歳グループでは、不定名詞nep「何か」およびnen「誰か」が疑問詞hemanta「何」およびhunna「誰」と対立している。
    p. 8.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/mukawa nepnenhemantahunna
  6. In the majority of Hokkaido Ainu dialects outside the Saru-Chitose group, interrogative and indefinite pronouns have the same form, with the indefinite meaning optionally marked by ka(y) 'also' (e.g. nep ka(y)).
    沙流・千歳グループを除く北海道アイヌ語の大部分の方言では、疑問代名詞と不定代名詞が同形であり、不定詞として用いられる場合には義務的ではないもののnep ka(y)のようにka(y)「も」を伴うことがある。
    p. 8.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido kakaynep
  7. In the majority of Hokkaido Ainu dialects, the interrogative meaning of a pro-form can be indicated by immediately following it with the focus adverbial particle ta.
    北海道アイヌ語の大部分の方言では、疑問詞・不定詞と同形の語の直後に焦点副助詞taを後続させることで疑問の意味を示すことができる。
    p. 8.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido ta
  8. The final syllable ta in Saru-Chitose hemanta 'what' is a fossilized suffix originating from the focus adverbial particle ta, allowing a redundant structure with the focus particle added (such as hemanta ta? 'what?').
    沙流・千歳の疑問詞hemanta「何」のtaは焦点副助詞taに由来して化石化した接尾辞であり、さらに焦点助詞taを加えた冗長な構造（例：hemanta ta?「何？」）が可能である。
    p. 8.5 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/mukawa hemantata
  9. In Sakhalin Ainu, the interrogative pronoun 'what' takes the form hemata.
    樺太アイヌ語において疑問詞「何」はhemataという形をとる。
    p. 8.5 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin hemata

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 10

  1. Pitch accent has a phonologically distinctive function in Ainu, yielding minimal pairs distinguished only by the location of the accent.
    アイヌ語において高低アクセントは音韻論的な弁別機能を持ち、アクセントの位置のみによって区別される最小対が存在する。
    p. 8.3 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu nísapnisápnínaniná
  2. In most words, if the first syllable is closed the first syllable is high, and if the first syllable is open the second syllable is high.
    大半の語において、第1音節が閉音節であれば第1音節が高くなり、開音節であれば第2音節が高くなる。
    p. 8.3 ordering asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido
  3. Hokkaido Ainu dialects are broadly classified into three accent types: Standard Accent Type, Irregular Accent Type, and Unaccented Type.
    北海道アイヌ語諸方言は、アクセント規則の適用状況に応じて標準アクセント型・不規則アクセント型・無アクセント型の3群に大別される。
    p. 8.3 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido
  4. In the Yakumo dialect, when both the first and second syllables are open syllables, the third syllable becomes high.
    八雲方言では、第1・第2音節がともに開音節である場合、第3音節が高くなる。
    p. 8.3 ordering asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/yakumo iperékutsinuyéhopuní
  5. In the Samani dialect, there is a tendency for the last syllable of a word to become high.
    様似方言では、語の最終音節が高くなる傾向がある。
    p. 8.3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/samani
  6. The Urakawa dialect is unaccented.
    浦河方言は無アクセント方言である。
    p. 8.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest
  7. The Samani dialect is an unaccented dialect.
    様似方言は無アクセント方言として知られる。
    p. 8.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/samani
  8. In the Oshamambe dialect, the accent peak shifts one syllable later in a word compared to the Saru dialect.
    長万部方言では、アクセントのピークが沙流方言と比べて語の中で1音節後ろに移動することが知られている。
    p. 8.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest
  9. In the Yakumo dialect, the accent peak shifts one syllable later in a word compared to the Saru dialect.
    八雲方言では、アクセントのピークが沙流方言と比べて語の中で1音節後ろに移動することが知られている。
    p. 8.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/yakumo
  10. The Shiranuka dialect is believed to be an unaccented dialect.
    白糠方言は無アクセント方言であると考えられている。
    p. 8.6 variation proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/northeast/kushiro

The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question 2

  1. When accent falls on the second syllable because the first syllable is open, word-initial /h/ is often elided in geographically eastern dialects.
    第1音節が開音節であるために第2音節にアクセントが落ちる場合、地理的により東方の方言において語頭の /h/ が脱落することが多い。
    p. 8.3 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/centralhokkaido/northeast huráyeuráyehokúokú
  2. Insertion of word-initial /h/ is prominent in unaccented-type dialects located in the northeastern part of Hokkaido.
    語頭の /h/ の添加は、北海道北東部に位置する無アクセント型方言において顕著である。
    p. 8.3 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/northeast úrarhurarámham

Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters 1

  1. Regressive consonant assimilation (such as tk > kk, pt > tt, rs > ss) is characteristic of eastern Hokkaido dialects, especially Bihoro.
    子音の逆行同化（tk > kk、pt > tt、rs > ssなど）は東部方言の特徴であり、特に美幌方言で顕著である。
    p. 8.3 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/centralhokkaido/northeasthokkaido/northeast/kitami hótkehókkesírseseksíssesektúptetutte

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 2

  1. In the u:o vowel alternation, it is characteristic for the Sōya dialect to take o where other dialects have u.
    母音交替 u:o において、他方言が u を持つところで宗谷方言が o を持つことが特徴的である。
    p. 8.3 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido upásopásinúnpeinónpe
  2. In the o:e vowel alternation, it is characteristic for the Yakumo dialect to take e where most Hokkaido dialects take o.
    母音交替 o:e において、大半の北海道方言が o を持つところで八雲方言が e を持つことが特徴的である。
    p. 8.3 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/yakumo otópetópopíttaepítta

Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question 1

  1. In the y:w consonant alternation, Yakumo characteristically takes w where other dialects take y, and Horobetsu and Obihiro take y where other dialects take w.
    子音交替 y:w において、他方言が y を持つところで八雲が w を持ち、他方言が w を持つところで幌別と帯広が y を持つことが特徴的である。
    p. 8.3 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/yakumohokkaido/southwest/horobetsuhokkaido/central/tokachi puyárpuwársuyópsuwóp

Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka) 1

  1. In the Saru and Chitose dialects, the plural form of the existence verb okay appears without final -y as oka.
    沙流および千歳方言では、存在動詞の複数形 okay は末尾の -y が脱落した形 oka として現れる。
    p. 8.3 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose okáyoká

Topic and Focus Marking: anak(ne), patek, and ka 1

  1. In some eastern Hokkaido dialects, the particle ka and conjunction particles ending in -ka (such as yakka, korka) appear with final -y as kay, yakkay, and korkay.
    北海道東部の一部の諸方言では、助詞 ka および -ka で終わる接続助詞（yakka、korka など）の末尾に -y が付加して kay、yakkay、korkay として現れる。
    p. 8.3 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/central/tokachihokkaido/northeast/kushirohokkaido/northeast/kitami kakayyákkayákkaykórkakórkay

Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways 1

  1. The forms car and par 'mouth' are analyzed as being formed from the stems ca- and pa- plus or 'inside (of)'.
    「口」を表す2つの形式carとparは、語幹ca-/pa-にor「～の内部」が加わって形成されたと考えられる。
    p. 8.5 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido carparca-pa-or

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

  1. The forms for 'lip' are compounds consisting of the mouth stems ca- or pa- combined with either pus 'head (of grain, etc.)' or toy 'land, field', resulting in four forms: capus (caapus in Sakhalin), papus, patoy, and catoy (chātoi on Shumshu Island).
    「唇」を表す形式は「口」の語幹ca-/pa-にpus「穂」またはtoy「土、土地」が複合したものであり、capus（樺太ではcaapus）、papus、patoy、catoy（千島北部占守島ではchātoi）の4種類が認められる。
    p. 8.5 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu capuscaapuspapuspatoycatoychātoi

Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes 1

  1. The ca- : pa- correspondence is not found with the vowels e, i, o, or u, and thus cannot be considered a regular phonological correspondence.
    ca- : pa-の対応は母音e、i、o、uの前には見られず、真の意味での音韻対応とは言えない。
    p. 8.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ca-pa-

Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction 1

  1. In the Saru and Chitose dialects, the nominative person prefixes ku- 'I' and ci- 'we' contract to k- and c- respectively before words beginning with the vowels a, u, e, or o.
    沙流および千歳方言では、主格の人称接頭辞 ku-「私」と ci-「私たち」が母音 a, u, e, o で始まる語の前でそれぞれ k- および c- に縮約する。
    p. 8.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose ku-ci-k-c-

Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns 4

  1. In the Saru dialect, the first-person pronouns kuani 'I' and ciokay 'we' appear in the contracted forms kani and coka, respectively.
    沙流方言では、1人称代名詞 kuani「私」と ciokay「私たち」が縮約してそれぞれ kani および coka の形をとる。
    p. 8.4 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru kuaniciokaykanicoka
  2. The Chitose dialect has the first-person plural pronoun form cokay alongside coka.
    千歳方言には、1人称複数代名詞として coka のほかに cokay という形もある。
    p. 8.4 existence asserts anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose cokay
  3. In addition to the plural fourth-person pronoun aoka, the Saru and Chitose dialects have the pronoun asinuma corresponding to the singular form.
    沙流および千歳方言には、複数形に対応する4人称代名詞 aoka に加えて、単数形に対応する代名詞 asinuma が存在する。
    p. 8.4 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose aokaasinuma
  4. The Shizunai and Horobetsu dialects have a singular fourth-person pronoun an-an-i formed from the possessive prefix an-, the singular existential verb an, and the affiliative suffix or nominalizer -i.
    静内方言および幌別方言には、所有接頭辞 an-、単数存在動詞 an、所属接尾辞または名詞化辞 -i からなる単数形の代名詞 an-an-i がある。
    p. 8.4 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/shizunaihokkaido/southwest/horobetsu an-an-i

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 2

  1. In the Saru and Chitose dialects, the intransitive fourth-person nominative affix can appear with singular verb stems as well as plural verb stems.
    沙流方言および千歳方言では、自動詞の4人称主格接辞は複数語幹だけでなく単数語幹の動詞とも共起できる。
    p. 8.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose -an
  2. The Saru and Chitose dialects possess a singular-plural distinction in the fourth person.
    沙流方言および千歳方言には四人称における単複の区別が存在する。
    p. 8.6 existence asserts anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 2

  1. A plural meaning can be added to verbs without singular/plural distinctions, or added additionally to plural verbs, through postverbal elements such as Sakhalin (a)hci, Shizunai/Horobetsu/Shiranuka ci, and Saru/Chitose/Ishikari pa.
    動詞後続要素（樺太の (a)hci、静内・幌別・白糠の ci、沙流・千歳・石狩の pa など）によって、単複の区別のない動詞に複数意味を付加したり、動詞の複数形にさらに複数意味を付加したりすることができる。
    p. 8.4 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu (a)hcicipa
  2. In Hokkaido Ainu, the postverbal plural marker ci is an older form, which was replaced in the Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari dialects by the innovated form pa.
    北海道アイヌ語において、動詞後続の複数標識 ci はより古い形と考えられ、沙流・千歳・石狩方言では新たに発達した pa によって置き換えられた。
    p. 8.4 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido cipa

Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental 3

  1. The allative case particle takes three forms across Ainu dialects: un, en, and (e)ne.
    アイヌ語諸方言において、向格格助詞は un、en、(e)ne の3つの形をとる。
    p. 8.4 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu unen(e)neenene
  2. In the Asahikawa dialect, the postpositional adverb ekota is used to express directional (allative) meaning.
    旭川方言では、後置副詞 ekota が方向（向格）の意味を表すために用いられる。
    p. 8.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/central/asahikawa ekota
  3. The Saru and Chitose dialects lack a juxtapositional particle.
    沙流方言および千歳方言には並置助詞が存在しない。
    p. 8.6 absence asserts anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose

The Structure of the Noun Phrase 1

  1. The juxtapositional case particle newa does not exist in the Saru and Chitose dialects, which express the juxtaposition of noun phrases by simple juxtaposition.
    並立格助詞 newa は沙流および千歳方言には存在せず、名詞句を単に並置することによって同じ意味を表す。
    p. 8.4 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose newa

Sequential wa and Clause Chaining 2

  1. In the Horobetsu, Saru, and Chitose dialects, successive events are primarily linked with wa and hine, while tek is overwhelmingly used as an auxiliary verb indicating that an action occurred in a light, short time.
    幌別、沙流、千歳方言では、継起は主に wa および hine で表され、tek は動作が軽微で短い時間で行われたことを表す補助動詞として圧倒的に用いられる。
    p. 8.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/horobetsuhokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose wahinetek
  2. In the Shizunai, Samani, Tokachi, Kushiro, Shiranuka, and Ishikari dialects, tek is frequently used as a conjunctional particle linking successive events.
    静内、様似、十勝、釧路、白糠、石狩などの諸方言では、tek は継起の接続助詞として頻繁に用いられる。
    p. 8.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/shizunaihokkaido/southwest/samanihokkaido/central/tokachihokkaido/northeast/kushirohokkaido/central/ishikari tek

Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses 4

  1. The conditional conjunctional particle ko appears in the Abuta, Horobetsu, Samani, Kushiro, and Shiranuka dialects.
    条件を表す接続助詞 ko は、虻田、幌別、様似、釧路、白糠の諸方言に見られる。
    p. 8.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/horobetsuhokkaido/southwest/samanihokkaido/northeast/kushiro ko
  2. In the Tokachi, Ishikari, Saru, and Chitose dialects, the conditional conjunctional particle ko appears as kor, identical in form with the simultaneous particle kor 'while doing'.
    十勝、石狩、沙流、千歳方言では、条件の接続助詞 ko は kor として現れ、「〜しながら」を意味する kor と同形をとる。
    p. 8.4 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/central/tokachihokkaido/central/ishikarihokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitose kor
  3. In the Shizunai dialect, the conditional conjunctional form konno (probably derived from kor-no) is used in place of ko.
    静内方言では、ko の代わりに（おそらく kor-no に由来する）konno という形が用いられる。
    p. 8.4 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/shizunai konno
  4. The conjunction expressing continuing result ('as a result of doing X for a fixed time, Y resulted') is ayne in many dialects, but ahinne in the Tokachi dialect.
    「一定時間ある動作を行った結果、こうなった」ことを表す接続助詞は、多くの地域では ayne であるが、十勝方言では ahinne である。
    p. 8.4 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/central/tokachi ayneahinne

The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an 1

  1. Several dialects east of Shizunai use kane or kan both for the continuation of an action and for a sustained state.
    静内以東のいくつかの地域の方言では、動作の継続と状態の持続の双方に kane または kan を用いる。
    p. 8.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido kanekan

Imperative and Prohibitive (Directive Mood) 1

  1. In the Ishikari dialect, an imperative directed at a single person can be expressed using the singular form of the verb plus the sentence-final particle ya.
    石狩方言では、単数に向けた命令表現として、動詞の単数形に終助詞 ya を付けた形が存在する。
    p. 8.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/central/ishikari ya

Hortative, Optative, and Cohortative 1

  1. To express the cohortative meaning 'let's do (something)', the final particle ro is used in Saru, Chitose, Horobetsu, Yakumo, Asahikawa, Nayoro, and Sōya; rok is used in Asahikawa, Nayoro, and Obihiro; and no is used in Urakawa and Samani.
    勧誘（「〜しよう」）の意味を表す終助詞として、沙流・千歳・幌別・八雲・旭川・名寄・宗谷では ro、旭川・名寄・帯広では rok、浦河・様似では no が用いられる。
    p. 8.4 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido rorokno

The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect 1

  1. In the Abuta dialect, the continuative-of-result form wa okay can appear after the existential verb okay and after the continuative-of-action form kor okay.
    虻田方言では、結果の継続を表す形式 wa okay が存在動詞 okay の後、および動作の継続を表す形式 kor okay の後に後続しうる。
    p. 8.6 distribution reports anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest wa okayokaykor okay

Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison 2

  1. Southern Kuril dialects did not differ substantially from Hokkaido dialects and are typically regarded as Hokkaido dialects.
    南千島方言は北海道方言と大きな差がなく、一般に北海道方言に分類される。
    p. 8.6 variation reports checked · anchor 100% kuril/south
  2. The Northern Kuril dialects are distinct from the Hokkaido dialects.
    北千島方言は北海道方言とは明確に異なっている。
    p. 8.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% kuril/north

Chapters citing this source

Chapter topicCitations
Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry48
Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax46
Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas46
The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split26
Interrogative, Indefinite, and Negative-Polarity Pro-forms19
Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison14
Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns8
Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses7
The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization6
The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis6
Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms5
Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa5
Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental5
Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs4
Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways4
The Laryngeals: Glottal Stop, /h/, and the Final-h Question4
The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing4
Sequential wa and Clause Chaining4
Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question3
Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters3
Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction3
Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes3
Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory3
The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research2
Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka)2
Topic and Focus Marking: anak(ne), patek, and ka2
Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics2
Kinship and Honorific Possession2
The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering2
The Structure of the Noun Phrase2
The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an2
Imperative and Prohibitive (Directive Mood)2
The Sentence-Final Particle System and Illocutionary Force2
Hortative, Optative, and Cohortative2
The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect2
The Dialect Sample and the Corpus-Quantification Method1
The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r1
Phrasal and Utterance Intonation1
Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels1
Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction1
Interrogative Strategies, Question Particles, and Evidential Questions1
First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=)1
First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=)1
Light Verbs, Pro-Verbs, and the Auxiliary-Verb Construction1
Simultaneous kor 'while' and Overlapping-Event Clauses1
Phasal, Iterative, and Habitual Aspect1

Examples cited from this source

mac-ihi sapa-ha or un inkar
wife-POSS head-POSS LOC ALLAT look
‘(He) looked toward his wife's head.’
HOR hokkaido-dialect-classification-and-dialectometry
nean nupuri or en oman kor
that mountain LOC ALLAT go CONJ
‘when (we) went toward that mountain’
TOK hokkaido-dialect-classification-and-dialectometry
nean nupuri or en oman kor
that mountain place ALLAT go while
‘when (they) went toward that mountain’
TOK hokkaido-lexical-dialectology-and-the-dialect-atlas
mac-ihi sapa-ha or un inkar
wife-POSS head-POSS place ALLAT look
‘looking toward (at) my wife's head’
HOR hokkaido-lexical-dialectology-and-the-dialect-atlas

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

  1. The Handbook of the Ainu language , which she edited, assembles specialist treatments of every major domain: phonology , verbal valency , dialectology , oral literature , historical and comparative linguistics , and the revitalization movement . no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
  2. Dialectological classification has been reconsidered by and in subsequent quantitative analyses. no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
  3. The current state-of-the-art synthesis is Nakagawa and Fukazawa's chapter in the 2022 Handbook, which evaluates the evidence for proposed boundaries and recommends a cautious multi-feature approach . no page The Dialect Sample and the Corpus-Quantification Method
  4. nisáp 'shin') ; . §3.1 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
  5. Systematic acoustic comparisons of vowel space across Hokkaido dialect regions remain a gap in the literature . §3 The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization
  6. Nakagawa and Fukazawa's dialect classification documents extensive morphophonological isoglosses across the Hokkaido area , though the specific /r/ → /n/ change in this lexical item has not been mapped to a named dialect zone in the sources read for this grammar. §3 The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r
  7. They demonstrate that /y/ and /w/ phonemicity at hiatus is a dialect-dependent property: phonemic in accentless Shizunai, non-phonemic in the accent dialects ; . §3.1 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
  8. Hokkaido Ainu divides into three prosodic classes ; : §3.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
  9. Some Yakumo forms are additionally exceptional (hopúni, osórusi) ; . §3.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
  10. Hokkaido Ainu pitch accent stands in a systematic correspondence with Sakhalin Ainu vowel length: a Hokkaido word with accent on σ1 (including exceptions to Rule 2) has a long vowel in σ1 in Sakhalin; a Hokkaido word with accent on σ2 (regular Rule 2 output) has a short vowel in σ1 in Sakhalin ; . §3.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
  11. Hattori (1967, reported via and ) interprets the Sakhalin vowel-length opposition as diachronically prior, with Hokkaido pitch accent having developed from it; the diachronic relationship is argued in detail by (not consulted directly). §3.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
  12. Satō dissents on the direction of the change () ‹contested›. §3.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
  13. The Hokkaido accentless varieties listed in the preceding section represent a third path: they have lost the length opposition without acquiring pitch contrast, and are not converging on the standard-accent system (Nakagawa & Fukazawa 2022 §3.1, reported via ). §3.1 The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split
  14. Nakagawa and Fukazawa classify Hokkaido dialects into three prosodic types ; : §3.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
  15. The irregular accent of Yakumo shifts the iambic peak one position right when both σ1 and σ2 are open: compare Yakumo notakám vs Saru notákam, Yakumo sinuyé vs Saru sinúye, Yakumo hoyupú vs Saru hoyúpu; but when σ2 is closed both varieties agree: parúnpe in both ; . §3.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
  16. Sakhalin Ainu is also accentless but preserves a vowel-length opposition where Hokkaido developed pitch; neither opposition has neutralized in Sakhalin . §3.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
  17. The correspondence between HA accent class and SA vowel length runs through the lexicon systematically: HA exception-class words (open σ1, initial accent despite the weight rule) correspond to SA long-vowel forms; HA regular-class words (weight-conditioned accent) correspond to SA short-vowel forms ; : §3.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
  18. Hattori (1967) reconstructed vowel length as the earlier contrast: Proto-Ainu had a long-vowel/short-vowel distinction, Hokkaido replaced it with accent while Sakhalin retained length (reported via ; ). §3.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
  19. Satō dissents on the directionality in his contribution to the Handbook (reported via ) ‹contested›. §3.1 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
  20. (). §3.1 Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs
  21. In Shizunai, Urakawa, Samani, Bihoro, Kushiro, and Shiranuka, pitch placement is not phonemically distinctive ; , and the three contrasts above are neutralized. §3.1 Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs
  22. The Yakumo and Oshamambe varieties retain pitch distinctiveness but apply a rightward-shifted rule: when both σ1 and σ2 are open, accent falls on σ3 rather than σ2 ; . §3.1 Lexical/Contrastive Accent and Minimal Pairs
  23. Nakagawa and Fukazawa distinguish three prosodic classes: the standard-accent dialects (Saru, Chitose, Horobetsu, Asahikawa, Nayoro, Obihiro, Sōya), the irregular-accent dialects (Yakumo, Oshamambe, where the accent shifts one syllable rightward when both σ1 and σ2 are open), and the unaccented (無アクセント) varieties (Shizunai, Urakawa, Samani, Bihoro, Kushiro, Shiranuka), in which pitch is not lexically distinctive . §3.1 Phrasal and Utterance Intonation
  24. A third, dialect-specific set of cluster simplifications is attested in eastern varieties, most prominently Bihoro, but Nakagawa (2024: 36) treats these as historically fixed rather than productive . §3.3 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
  25. The progressive assimilation /t + r/ → /tt/ producing attus is consistent with the cluster- simplification isoglosses documented in eastern dialects by (e.g. §3.3 Citation vs Combining Stem Shapes and Support Vowels
  26. Outside the southern zone, most Hokkaido dialects preserve the full marker forms without deletion ; . §3 Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction
  27. The regressive cluster assimilations of eastern Hokkaido dialects — tk → kk, pt → tt, rs → ss in Bihoro and related varieties () — are treated by Nakagawa as word-specific historical consolidations rather than active synchronic rules (; antitwilight, 2024-11-17). §3.3 Reduplication Phonology and Rule Interaction
  28. The boundary follows the established dialect division between 日高西部 (Saru, Chitose, Mukawa) and the central and northern varieties ; . no page Interrogative, Indefinite, and Negative-Polarity Pro-forms
  29. This distribution, called the pa-:ca- "pseudo-correspondence" in the dialectological literature because it does not extend to words with other vowels, has at least four competing analyses : Kindaichi and Chiri's diachronic change (*pa → ca); Kirikae's (1994) two-morpheme-ab-initio account; Nakagawa's (1996) priority for ca-; and Fukazawa's (2014/2017) separate-morpheme analysis. §3.4 Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes
  30. The older plural form ci (surviving in Horobetsu, Shizunai, Shiranuka) was replaced in the Saru/Ishikari core by an innovated pa, which spread and displaced the older form in those dialects rather than accumulating beside it . §4.2 Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways
  31. A practical constraint limits the analysis: only 91 of the 200 items actually entered the count, since the remainder showed no cross-dialect stem difference and were uninformative for comparison . §2.1–2.3 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  32. Four conclusions emerged from the Hattori–Chiri matrix . §2.1 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  33. An east–west gap opened at the Shizunai–Niikappu line — the same boundary that had demarcated the eastern Menas un kur 'people of the east' from the western Sum un kur 'people of the west' during Shakushain's War in 1669 . §2.1 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  34. The first split placed &#123;Hokkaido + North Kuril&#125; against &#123;Sakhalin&#125;; Hokkaido itself divided into four zones: North (Sōya), East (Obihiro / Kushiro / Bihoro / Asahikawa / Nayoro), Central-South (Yakumo / Oshamambe / Horobetsu / Biratori / Nukibetsu / Niikappu), and a marginal position for Samani . §2.2 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  35. Several features of the dataset limit what the cluster analysis can show . §2.4 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  36. The NE/SW axis also tracks the distribution of culture-hero names in oral literature — Okikurmi in the southwest, Samayekur in the northeast — and, more broadly, the genre designations that differ between the two halves . §2.3, §6 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  37. The isogloss data in this section draw on , whose underlying documentation comes from and (both reported sources). §3, Tables 3–15 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  38. Three accent types are attested across Hokkaido : §3.1 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  39. In the eastern standard-accent dialects, initial h is elided when the pitch accent falls on the second syllable : Saru/Horobetsu huráye 'wash' → uráye in Asahikawa/Nayoro; Saru hokú 'husband' → okú; hekáci 'child' → ekáci. §3.2, Table 4 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  40. The eastern dialects, most extensively Bihoro, show regressive consonant assimilation at morpheme and compound boundaries : hotke 'lie' → hokke (Obihiro, Kushiro, Bihoro); sirsesek 'hot' → sissesek (Bihoro, Asahikawa, Nayoro); tupte → tutte (Bihoro); upsor → ussor 'bosom'. §3.3, Table 5 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  41. treats these as historical word-form changes rather than productive synchronic sandhi rules. no page Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  42. The alternation affects the labial–alveolar onset position within this semantic field only; there is no comparable p-/c- alternation for e-, i-, o-, u-initial words, which is why call it a pseudo-correspondence rather than a sound correspondence in the comparative linguistic sense. §3.4, §5.1 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  43. Diachronic merger (Kindaichi, Chiri, Naert 1958, via ): either pa- > ca- historically, or both trace to a single proto-form *Xa-. §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  44. Two lexical items from the start (Kirikae 1994, via ): Proto-Ainu already had distinct p- and c- 'mouth' words, later sorted geographically. §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  45. ca- as older (Nakagawa 1996, via ): ca- is attested inside par-region place names (e.g. §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  46. Separate morphemes ab initio (Fukazawa 2014/2017, via ): ca- and pa- are independent morphemes throughout their full distribution — pa- also means 'head'; irreducible lexical pairs exist (can : pan 'thin', cas : pas 'run'). §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  47. Additional phonological isoglosses documented by include: §3.5–3.8, Tables 7–17 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  48. Eastern dialects (Obihiro, Kushiro, Bihoro) show the inverse: particles ka and korka acquire -kay extensions . §3.7, Table 17 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  49. In Saru and Chitose, transitive-verb person marking is carried entirely by prefixes; all other Hokkaido dialects use circumfixes — an object prefix before the stem and a subject suffix after it . §4.1 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  50. The implication is that Horobetsu patterns morphologically with the geographically distant Ishikari and Tokachi varieties, not with the adjacent Saru region ‹contested›. §4.1 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  51. The verbal plural morpheme shows a three-way geographic split : §4.2 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  52. The historical direction is recoverable: ci is the older Hokkaido form, cognate with Sakhalin (a)hci, and pa is an innovation that spread within the Saru–Ishikari corridor, displacing ci there . §4.2 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  53. Several grammatical morphemes distribute along isoglosses that match neither the NE/SW bipartition nor the lexicostatistic clusters, illustrating how the different layers of dialectal organisation fail to converge . §4.3, Tables 21–24 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  54. The conditional particle shows a three-way split: ko (Abuta, Horobetsu, Samani, Kushiro, Shiranuka) vs kor (Tokachi, Ishikari, Saru, Chitose) vs Shizunai konno (< kor-no); ko is reconstructed as the older form . §4.3 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  55. The imperative particle ya (singular) is specific to Ishikari — another morphological feature that cross-cuts the lexical clusters . §4.3 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  56. , drawing on Nakagawa 1996, classifies the geographic distribution patterns of Hokkaido isoglosses into six types: §5 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  57. Saru–Chitose + Sakhalin: the interrogative hemata 'what' and the prefix eci- '1→2' appear in Saru–Chitose and distant Sakhalin but not in the geographically intervening Hokkaido varieties — a bridge distribution that describe as "hard to believe independent", though the historical mechanism is unresolved ‹speculative›. §5 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  58. The interrogative morphology receives special attention in : most Hokkaido interrogatives are historically indefinite pronouns repurposed via focus particles, while Saru and Chitose retain a two-stem system with a distinct interrogative root hVm / hVn and an indefinite root ne-. §5.2 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  59. Morphological features — prefix-only transitive marking, plural pa, the contracted pronouns kani (< kuani) and coka (< ciokay), distinct interrogative stems, and the 4th-person singular pronoun asinuma — constitute a cluster that maps poorly onto the lexical groupings ‹contested›. §4.1, §5 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  60. The matrix has documented limitations . §2.4 Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry
  61. §3 catalogues these systematically in a set of isogloss tables whose data derive ultimately from and . no page Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  62. The most fundamental suprasegmental split within Hokkaido divides the field into three accent types: a standard type shared by the majority of documented localities, an irregular type in the far southwest, and a set of unaccented varieties on the east coast and in part of the west . §3.1 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  63. The contrast with the standard type is audible on identical lexical stems : §3.1 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  64. The description requires qualification: Samani tends toward a final-high pattern in practice; Shizunai shows no stable positional pattern across the lexicon . §3.1 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  65. ; . §3.1 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  66. The elision environment is exactly the standard-type accent context where the initial consonant carries no pitch-peak information; western and southern dialects (Horobetsu, Biratori, Nukibetsu, Niikappu, Samani, Sōya) retain h throughout : §3.2, Table 4 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  67. The alternations are confined to the northeast and are most extensive in Bihoro : §3.3, Table 5 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  68. Nayoro and Asahikawa attest both forms, marking the interior transition zone . §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  69. The phenomenon is formally restricted: there is no comparable pe-/ce-, pi-/ci-, or po-/co- correspondence in the lexicon, which is why call it a "pseudo-correspondence" rather than a sound correspondence in the strict sense. §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  70. Kindaichi, Chiri, and Naert 1958 (via ): a diachronic change pa → ca, or the reconstruction of a single Proto-Ainu syllable *Xa (with an indeterminate initial consonant). §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  71. Nakagawa 1996 (via ): the ca- form is the older one, evidenced by its appearance in place-names and formulaic expressions (sanca or ta) inside otherwise par-using regions — an ABA distribution where a central innovation displaced the peripheral retention. §3.4 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  72. Bihoro and Kushiro show a systematic alternation in which the sequences -iw and -uy are transposed relative to the forms recorded elsewhere : §3.5, Table 7 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  73. Additional, lexically specific metatheses occur in other dialects without forming a regular alternation: piyar / puyar / puray 'window' (three variants across the field), nipek / nupek / nikep 'light', and askepet / aspeket 'finger' (Horobetsu) . §3.5, Table 8 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  74. First, y and w alternate in a small set of lexical items in the Yakumo area: puyar and nuye where most dialects have puwar and nuwe . §3.6, Table 12 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  75. Second, n and m vary in particular words and localities: nimak ~ mimak 'tooth' (Yakumo, Nukibetsu, and Niikappu favour mimak); and ómke ~ ónke 'cough' at Sōya versus other dialects . §3.6, Tables 13–14 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  76. An isolated consonant-copying phenomenon produces Sōya purár against the more widespread puwar 'fog/mist'; and the alternation hútne ~ Bihoro húpne 'narrow' represents a C:p correspondence that remains lexically isolated . §3.6, Table 15 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  77. §3.5 (Tables 9–11) documents three vowel-pair alternations: no page Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  78. The irregularity is consistent with the lexicostatistic picture: only 91 of the 200 Swadesh-list items used by showed any cross-dialect stem differentiation, meaning that the majority of the basic vocabulary is shared across all localities without alternation . §2.3 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  79. In Saru and Chitose, the plural existential okay reduces to oka by elision of the final -y; the same elision extends to the pronoun ciokay → coka . §3.7, Table 16 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  80. Particles that appear as ka, yakka, and korka in standard dialects acquire a final -y: kay, yakkay, korkay . §3.7, Table 17 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  81. This is consistent with 's finding that the three-way "Major Division" (Hokkaido/Sakhalin/Kuril) does not survive statistical testing and that even within Hokkaido the internal structure is gradient — a conclusion that the multi-parameter isogloss geography here supports at the segmental and prosodic levels ; . §6 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
  82. Working from a 200-item basic-vocabulary list elicited at 19 localities — 13 across Hokkaido and 6 in Sakhalin ‹SA› — together with Torii's 1903 Kuril ‹KU› materials, they scored each item for cross-dialectal cognacy as positive, negative, or partial (). §2.1 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  83. Of the 200 elicited items, only 91 actually contributed to the cognacy matrix — the remaining 109 showed no cross-dialectal stem difference and therefore carried no discriminating information (). §2.3 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  84. The northernmost point, Sōya, was effectively a single speaker — Ben Kashiwagi — so its data reflect an idiolect rather than a community sample (). §2.4 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  85. Nakagawa and Fukazawa, building on Nakagawa's earlier geographic analysis, distinguish five types (): §5 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  86. This non-congruence is consistent with a dialect continuum undergoing diffusion from multiple centers rather than a single ancestral branching event (; ) ‹contested›. §5 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  87. The northeastern dialects (Asahikawa, Nayoro, Sōya, Obihiro, Kushiro, and Bihoro) use ne--initial forms: nempara and nempak (). §5.1 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  88. The Saru–Chitose group preserves two etymologically distinct stems — an interrogative hVm- / hVn- base and a separate indefinite ne- base — while most northeastern dialects generalized the indefinite stem to interrogative function, yielding ne-mpara by analogy with other ne- indefinites (). §5.2 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  89. Southwestern dialects use un; eastern Hidaka and Tokachi use en; and the northern and far-eastern dialects (Sōya, Asahikawa, Bihoro, Kushiro, Nemuro) use ne or its extended form, with Asahikawa additionally using ekota (). §4.3 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  90. The related body-part terms follow the same division: 'lip' is papus / capus or patoy / catoy depending on region (). §3.4 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  91. Nakagawa and Fukazawa therefore call it a "pseudo-correspondence": it is geographically distributed like a sound change but is not phonologically general (). §3.4 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  92. Four analytical positions have been advanced for the origin of the split, all reported here via Nakagawa and Fukazawa (): §3.4 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  93. Place-name counts — 11:0 in favor of par- in the Ishikari basin, 13 instances of car- in Nemuro and Kushiro combined (Kirikae 1994, reported via ) — are consistent with a sharp geographic boundary but do not settle the mechanism. §3.4 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  94. A further phonological account, not among the four original proposals, reconstructs a Proto-Ainu palatalized initial *pʸaɾ, whose northeastern reflex yielded /c/ while the southwestern region generalized plain /p/ (reported via ) ‹speculative›. §3.4 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  95. Under the wave-model reading standard in Japanese dialectology and adopted here by Nakagawa (reported via ), the peripheral form (A) is typically the older retention and the central form (B) is an innovation that has not yet completed its spread to the edges. §5 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  96. The ABA reading takes aw as the form reconstructable for pre-innovation Hokkaido and parunpe as an innovation coined in the par-using southwestern area and spreading outward without displacing aw at the farthest edges () ‹speculative›. §5 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  97. Yamada's proposed "Pacific Tribe" — a hypothetical coastal population whose lexical traces are visible in forms like mici and in place-name elements (koyka / koypok) — is a speculative interpretation of this coastal continuity (reported via ) ‹speculative›. §5 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  98. The distinctively Saru–Chitose items include the interrogative forms hemanta 'what' and hunna 'who', the existential plural oka, the indefinites nep 'something' and nen 'someone', and the prefix eci- 'I to you (pl)' (). §5 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  99. Nakagawa and Fukazawa find this distribution "hard to believe [is] independent" and leave it as an unresolved puzzle about the internal phylogeny of Ainu () ‹contested›. §5 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  100. Asai's 1974 cluster analysis of this matrix proposed a partition into northern (Sōya), eastern (Obihiro / Kushiro / Bihoro / Asahikawa / Nayoro), central-southern (Yakumo / Oshamambe / Horobetsu / Biratori / Nukibetsu / Niikappu), and eastern-Hidaka (Samani) zones for Hokkaido, together with a major split between the Hokkaido+Kuril group and Sakhalin (reported via ; ). §2.2 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  101. Basic-vocabulary cognacy places Saru, Chitose, and Horobetsu together in a southwestern cluster; person-marking morphology (Horobetsu uses prefix–suffix circumfixes while Saru–Chitose use prefix-only marking) places Horobetsu with the geographically distant Ishikari and Tokachi varieties () ‹contested›. §4.1 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  102. First, the form — northeastern in Hokkaido — is the standard word for 'mouth' in ‹KU› and ‹SA›, attested in early Kuril sources including Krasheninnikov (1738) and Golovnin (1811) and throughout the Sakhalin records (reported via ). §3.4 Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas
  103. Sakhalin uses the suffix -hci / -hcin; most Hokkaido dialects outside Saru–Chitose use ci; Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari use pa ; . §4.2 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
  104. Nakagawa establishes that Hokkaido ci is the older Hokkaido form, and pa is an innovation that spread through the Saru and Ishikari regions . §4.2 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
  105. Sakhalin uses the allative particle (e)ne, which coincides with the form found in northern and eastern Hokkaido (Sōya, Asahikawa, Bihoro, Kushiro, Shiranuka) rather than the southwestern HA forms un (Horobetsu, Chitose, Yakumo) or en (Tokachi) . §4.3 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
  106. Other shared features between Sakhalin and the geographically distant southern Hokkaido dialects (Saru–Chitose) are harder to explain: the interrogative form hemata 'what' and the second-person-plural object prefix eci= occur in both Saru–Chitose and Sakhalin, a distribution that Nakagawa and Fukazawa describe as "hard to believe independent" ‹contested›. §5 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
  107. The word for 'mouth' appears as car in Kuril records (aligning with northeastern HA and Sakhalin against the southwestern HA form par), an isogloss documented in place-name data by (via ) and diachronically accounted for as a palatalized-series relic *pʸaɾ by . §3.4 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison