143. The Sentence-Final Particle System and Illocutionary Force

The 終助詞 class: definition and position 19 claims ·7 sentences

How does the language define the class of sentence-final particles and what is their syntactic position?

1. Murasaki (1979) describes Sakhalin Ainu hVV as expressing assertion about past events or emphatic present facts, or forming compassionate questions based on empathy with the addressee's feelings.
   村崎（1979）は樺太アイヌ語のhVVの機能として、過去の出来事や現在の事実を強調して説明する断定、および聞き手の心情への理解に基づく同情的な疑問を記述している。
   form-function sakhalin generic hVV
   reports bugaeva2016
   • bugaeva2016 reports checked
2. Particles that appear at the end of a sentence accompanied by intonation are called final particles (終助詞).
   イントネーションを伴って文末に現れる助詞を終助詞 (final particle, f) と呼ぶ。
   terminology sakhalin all
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:94 asserts checked
3. Sentence-final particles are placed after verb phrases to conclude a sentence, and no elements other than sentence-final particles can be added after a sentence concluded with one.
   終助詞は動詞句の後におかれて文を終結させ、終助詞で終結された文にはそれ以外の他の要素を加えることはできない。
   distribution all
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:331 asserts checked
4. Sentence-final particles are placed after verb phrases to formally mark the termination of the sentence.
   終助詞は動詞句の後ろに置かれて文を終結させる。
   form-function ainu all
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:404 asserts checked
5. A terminated sentence cannot modify a noun phrase, nor can it be followed by a connective phrase.
   終結した文は、名詞句を修飾することも、その後ろに接続句が来ることもできない。
   distribution ainu all
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:404 asserts checked
6. Sentence-final suffixes are rarely used alone after the final predicate, but are usually preceded by a nominalization and the copula or an equivalent form.
   真正の文末接辞は最終述語の直後に単独で用いられることは稀であり、通常は名詞化形とコピュラまたは同等形式の後に後続する。
   distribution ainu usually
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:34 asserts checked
7. Sentence-final suffixes in Ainu may express four different moods: interrogative, affective, assertive, or imperative.
   アイヌ語の文末接尾辞は、疑問、情緒、断定、命令という4つの異なる法を表すことができる。
   existence hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986 asserts checked
8. In Tamura's model of Ainu, a final particle combines with a form to produce a full sentence that is not a verb form.
   田村によるアイヌ語のモデルでは、終助詞はある形式に接続して、動詞形ではない完全な文を形成する。
   analysis hokkaido/southwest/saru all
   reports refsing1986
   • refsing1986:48 reports checked
9. Four different sentence-final suffixes may be added to the final predicate to indicate imperative, interrogative, assertive, or affective mood.
   命令、疑問、断定、感動の法を表すために文末述語に付加され得る4つの異なる接尾辞が存在する。
   existence all
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:81 asserts checked
10. Sentence-final suffixes differ from modal auxiliaries in that they can only appear after the final predicate as the last morpheme in a sentence.
    文末接尾辞は、文末述語の後にのみ現れて文の最後の形態素にしかなり得ないという点で、法助動詞と異なる。
    distribution all
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:81 asserts checked
11. Three of the sentence-final suffixes are generally preceded by nominalizations of the predicate, with the exception of the imperative suffix.
    命令接尾辞を除き、文末接尾辞のうち3つは一般に述語の名詞化形が先行する。
    distribution usually
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:81 asserts checked
12. A predicate nominalization alone can sometimes carry the function of a sentence-final suffix.
    名詞化単独で文末接尾辞の機能を担うことがある。
    form-function exists
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:81 asserts checked
13. Sentence-final forms are used frequently, but they are not obligatory.
    文末形式は頻繁に用いられるが、義務的ではない。
    frequency generic
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:81 asserts checked
14. The sentence-final suffixes ya, na, and to some extent wa only rarely follow directly upon the main predicate, and are frequently preceded by a nominalization.
    文末接尾辞 ya および na（そしてある程度は wa）が修飾する文の主述語に直接続くことは稀であり、名詞化表現が先行することが多い。
    distribution hokkaido/southwest/shizunai usually yanawa
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:228 asserts checked
15. In some cases, the sentence-final suffix is dropped so that the preceding nominalization alone functions as sentence-final.
    場合によっては文末接尾辞が脱落し、名詞化表現単独で文末として機能する。
    distribution hokkaido/southwest/shizunai exists
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:228 asserts checked
16. A predicate consists of either a verb expression or a copula expression, optionally followed once by a sentence-final form or suffix.
    述語は動詞表現またはコピュラ表現のいずれかから構成され、その後に文末形式あるいは接尾辞が1回任意で後続しうる。
    ordering hokkaido/southwest/shizunai all
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:268 asserts checked
17. Most sentence-final particles attach after a verb phrase, though a few attach to nominal forms.
    終助詞は動詞句の後に付けられるものが大部分であるが、名詞的な形式に付くものも少数ある。
    distribution ainu generic
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:72 asserts extracted
18. A verb in its nominalized form with -ha/-he/-hi/-ho/-hu is sometimes used like a sentence-final particle.
    -ha/-he/-hi/-ho/-huによって名詞化された形の動詞は、終助詞のように用いられることがある。
    form-function sakhalin usually -ha-he-hi-ho-hu
    asserts tangiku2022
    • tangiku2022:9.8 asserts anchored
19. The sentence-final particle use of nominalized verbs presents old information and occurs in presuppositional contexts.
    名詞化動詞の終助詞的用法は旧情報を提示し、前提的な文脈で生起する。
    form-function sakhalin
    reports tangiku2022
    • tangiku2022:9.8 reports checked

The illocutionary inventory 6 claims ·1 sentences

What is the inventory of sentence-final particles and what illocutionary forces do they encode?

1. The particle ta can function as an exclamatory particle, conveying feelings such as 'really ...?' or 'what on earth ...?'.
   助詞 ta は感動の助詞となり、「本当にまあ……なのか」「一體全體……なのか」というような気持ちを表す。
   form-function ta
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
2. The particle ta frequently strengthens the meaning of adverbs and interjections.
   助詞 ta は副詞および感動詞の意味を強めることが多い。
   form-function usually ta
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
3. The emphatic particle eashir is composed of the applicative prefix e- and the adjective ashir ('new'), and conveys the nuance of 'finally / at last'.
   語勢助詞 eashir は充当相 e- と形容詞 ashir（「新しい」）からなり、「やっと……した」という気持ちを含む。
   form-function eashire-ashir
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
4. The Shizunai dialect has only four genuine sentence-final suffixes: imperative yan, assertive/necessative/hortative na, interrogative/dubitative ya, and affective wa.
   静内方言には純粋な文末接尾辞が4つしか存在せず、命令の yan、断定／必然／勧誘の na、疑問／推量の ya、情動の wa である。
   membership hokkaido/southwest/shizunai all yannayawa
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:228 asserts checked
5. The particle ya or wa marks the end of a sentence, expresses meanings such as interrogation or judgment, and terminates the sentence, functioning as a sentence-final particle.
   ya や wa のように、文末に現れて疑問や判断などを表し、文を終止させる助詞を終助詞と言う。
   terminology ainu generic yawa
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:71 asserts checked
6. Sentence-final particles appear with relatively low frequency at the end of sentences in Ainu, unlike in Japanese.
   日本語とは対照的に、アイヌ語では文末に終助詞が現れる頻度はそれほど高くない。
   frequency ainu generic
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:72 asserts checked

Imperative and hortative: yan, ya, ro, so 12 claims ·12 sentences· 3 examples

How does the language form imperative and hortative constructions using sentence-final particles?

1. The sentence-final particle yan is placed after an imperative verb to express a command to multiple addressees, or a polite command when the addressee is singular.
   終助詞 yan は命令形の動詞の後ろに置かれて、複数の相手に対する命令を表し、相手がひとりの場合には丁寧な命令を表す。
   form-function generic yan
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:332 asserts checked
2. With verbs that have suppletive singular and plural stems, yan is normally placed after the plural stem, so that the polite command to a single person for tunas ek! is tunas arki yan! rather than *tunas ek yan!.
   主語に対応する単複形がある動詞の場合、yan は複数形の後ろに置かれるのが普通であり、相手が一人に対する丁寧命令は *tunas ek yan! ではなく tunas arki yan! となる。
   distribution usually yanarkiek
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:332 asserts checked
3. In the Ishikari dialect, distinct from yan, there is a sentence-final particle ya expressing an imperative to a singular addressee.
   石狩方言には、yan とは別に、単数の相手への命令を表す ya という終助詞がある。
   form-function hokkaido/central/ishikari exists yayan
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:332 asserts checked
4. The sentence-final particles ro, rok, and no express solicitation or proposal ('let us...'), seeking the addressee's agreement.
   終助詞 ro、rok、no は勧誘などのように相手の同意を求めること（「〜(し)よう」）を表す。
   form-function hokkaido generic rorokno
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:333 asserts checked
5. The hortative/proposal sentence-final particle is realized as ro in Horobetsu, Saru, Chitose, and Shizunai; as rok in Tokachi and Shiranuka; as no in Urakawa and Samani; while Ishikari has both ro and rok.
   勧誘・提案の終助詞は、幌別・沙流・千歳・静内等で ro、十勝・白糠等で rok、浦河・様似等で no となり、石狩方言では ro と rok の両形がある。
   variation hokkaido all rorokno
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:333 asserts checked
6. The particle so ('I wonder if I should...') is used when prompting agreement from oneself in soliloquy regarding an action one is about to perform.
   助詞 so「〜 (し) ようかな」は、これから行うことについて、ひとりごとで自分に同意をうながす場合に用いる。
   form-function hokkaido generic so
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:334 asserts checked
7. The sentence-final particle ro is placed after a verb marked with an inclusive first-person plural affix to express a hortative/invitation.
   ro は包括的一人称複数人称接辞の付いた動詞の後に置かれて勧誘を表す。
   form-function ainu generic ro
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:74 asserts checked
8. The sentence-final particle so appears with low frequency and seems to express an uncertain volition ('shall I...').
   終助詞 so は用例が少なく意味がはっきりしないが、「〜しようかな」という不確実性を伴った意志を表すようである。
   form-function ainu generic so
   proposes sato2008
   • sato2008:74 proposes checked
9. The sentence-final particle yan attaches only to imperative sentences.
   終助詞 yan は命令文にのみ付く。
   distribution ainu all yan
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:75 asserts checked
10. When an intransitive verb distinguishes singular and plural forms, yan only attaches to the plural form.
    単数と複数の区別のある自動詞の場合は、yan は複数形にしか付かない。
    distribution ainu all yan
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:75 asserts checked
11. After a verb ending in a consonant, the initial y of the particle yan may drop, yielding an.
    子音で終わる動詞の後では yan の y が脱落して an となることがある。
    alternation ainu exists yanan
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:75 asserts checked
12. ro is a sentence-final particle expressing invitation or cohortative meaning.
    ro は勧誘の終助詞である。
    form-function hokkaido/chitose all ro
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:100 asserts checked

Assertive and softening: na, wa, un 25 claims ·8 sentences· 2 examples

How does the language use sentence-final particles to express assertion or softening?

1. The particle un can function as an exclamatory particle.
   助詞 un は感動の助詞となることがある。
   form-function un
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
2. The particle wa can function as an exclamatory particle.
   wa は感嘆の助詞となる。
   form-function wa
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
3. The particle na marks designation or exclamation.
   na は指定あるいは感嘆を表す。
   form-function na
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
4. The sentence-final particle wa ('you know', 'I tell you') softens the tone of speech, making the utterance feel softer in conversation where ending in a bare verb phrase would sound blunt.
   終助詞 wa「〜よ」「〜わ」は口調を和らげる役割をし、会話で動詞句のまま終えるとぶっきらぼうになるのを文末に添えて柔らかい感じにする。
   form-function hokkaido generic wa
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:334 asserts checked
5. The particle un ('you know') is used when giving an affirmative reply to a question, and is often preceded by a noun phrase or adverbial phrase rather than a verb phrase.
   助詞 un「〜よ」は質問に対して肯定的な返事をする時に用いられ、前に動詞句でなく名詞句や副詞句が来ることも多い。
   form-function hokkaido generic un
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:335 asserts checked
6. In Saru Ainu according to Tamura (1988a), un is used interrogatively, or in the combination ... an un following the interrogative an ('is it?') to mean 'I wonder if...'.
   沙流方言において、田村 (1988a:56) によれば un は疑問の意味で使われたり、疑問の an「ですか」の後においた… an un という形で「〜でしょうかねえ」の意を表す。
   form-function hokkaido/southwest/saru generic unan un
   reports nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:335 reports checked
7. The final particle un does not mean affirmation by itself, but is used in questions and emotionally heightened sentences, with its original meaning likely being a clear assertion of the speaker's will.
   un は終助詞で、それ自体は「肯定」を意味するわけではなく、疑問や強い感情を表わす文にも使われるもので、本来の意味は話者の意志をはっきりと表明するというものであると考えられる。
   form-function ainu generic un
   proposes nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:396 proposes checked
8. The 'formal noun + un' pattern as an affirmative response may be limited to dialects such as Saru, Chitose, and Horobetsu.
   肯定の返事として用いられる「形式名詞＋un」は、沙流、千歳、幌別あたりに限られる形式かもしれない。
   distribution hokkaido/southwest/saruhokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/horobetsu un
   proposes nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:396 proposes checked
9. As a sentence-final suffix, na is basically assertive.
   文末接尾辞としてのnaは基本的に断定的（アサーティヴ）である。
   form-function hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic na
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986 asserts checked
10. Sentence-final na can in some cases express a hortative meaning.
    文末のnaはある種の場合には勧誘（hortative）の意味を表しうる。
    form-function hokkaido/southwest/shizunai exists na
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986 asserts checked
11. Sentence-final na can in some cases express a necessative or light imperative meaning.
    文末のnaはある種の場合には必然性あるいは軽い命令の意味を表しうる。
    form-function hokkaido/southwest/shizunai exists na
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986 asserts checked
12. The assertive sentence-final na is very often preceded by the copula ne and one of the nominalizers ruwe, hawe, or siri.
    断定の文末接尾辞naの前には、名詞化辞ruwe、hawe、またはsiriと繋辞neが先行することが非常に多い。
    distribution hokkaido/southwest/shizunai usually naruwehawesirine
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986 asserts checked
13. The particle na is often omitted so that the nominalization alone marks the assertive mood.
    naはしばしば省略され、名詞化辞のみで断定の法が示される。
    form-function hokkaido/southwest/shizunai usually na
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986 asserts checked
14. The suffix wa adds emotion to the utterance, softening the expression and making it more intimate.
    接尾辞 wa は発話に感情を付加し、表現を和らげて親密さを加える。
    form-function hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic wa
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:237 asserts checked
15. The suffix wa can be attached to assertive forms to make them less abrasive.
    接尾辞 wa は、発話を角の立たないものにするために断定形式に後続させることができる。
    distribution hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic wa
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:237 asserts checked
16. When the subsequent command is only implied by the speaker rather than explicitly expressed, na stands alone and functions as a sentence-final suffix meaning 'so you had better...' or 'so please...'.
    後続の命令が明示されず話者によって暗示されるにとどまる場合、naを伴う文は単独で立ち、「だから〜したほうがよい」または「だからどうか〜してください」という意味の文末接尾辞として解釈されうる。
    form-function hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic na
    asserts refsing1986
    • refsing1986:253 asserts checked
17. un is a sentence-final particle expressing assertion, used to explain the content of one's statement when asked what one is saying.
    un は断定を意味する終助詞で、発言内容を尋ねられて自分の発言内容を説明する場合に使われる。
    form-function ainu all un
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:34 asserts checked
18. The sentence-final particle na attaches to an utterance to produce a nuance of prompting some response from the addressee.
    終助詞 na を付けると、聞き手に何らかの対応を促すようなニュアンスが生まれる。
    form-function ainu generic na
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:73 asserts checked
19. In kamuyyukar (god-songs), the particle na often appears in narrative prose text.
    神謡において、地の文で na がしばしば現れることがある。
    distribution ainu usually na
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:73 asserts checked
20. The sentence-final particle un usually attaches to nominal forms, but it rarely appears at the end of imperative sentences.
    終助詞 un は通常は名詞的な形式に付くが、稀に命令文の最後に現れることがある。
    distribution ainu usually un
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:74 asserts checked
21. The sentence-final particle wa is frequently used when answering questions, serving to prompt the listener to recognize one's statement.
    終助詞 wa は質問に対して答える場合に良く用いられ、聞き手に自分の発言を認識するよう促す働きがあると考えられる。
    form-function ainu usually wa
    proposes sato2008
    • sato2008:75 proposes checked
22. The sentence-final particle wa expresses politeness and functions to soften the tone of an utterance.
    終助詞 wa は丁寧さを表し、「口調を和らげる」機能を持つようである。
    form-function ainu generic wa
    proposes sato2008
    • sato2008:75 proposes checked
23. The sentence-final particle wa alternates to ma after n.
    終助詞 wa は n の後で ma に交替する。
    alternation ainu all wama
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:159 asserts checked
24. While the sentence-final particle na usually conveys a nuance of request, in kamuy yukar texts it can appear even without much of such nuance.
    終助詞 na は普通は要請のニュアンスを伴うが、神謡のテキストではそのようなニュアンスのあまりない場合でも用いられることがある。
    variation hokkaido/southwest/saru generic na
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:290 asserts checked
25. na is a sentence-final particle indicating assertion or emphasis ('zo').
    na は「〜ぞ」を表す終助詞である。
    form-function na
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:370 asserts checked

Admonitive and stacking: hani 10 claims ·5 sentences· 1 examples

How does the language express admonitive meaning and allow stacking of sentence-final particles?

1. The sentence-final particle hani attaches to imperative expressions to add an admonishing or pressing nuance.
   終助詞 hani は命令表現に後接し、相手に言い聞かせたり念を押したりするニュアンスを添える。
   form-function hokkaido exists hani
   asserts nakagawa2024, sato2008
   • nakagawa2024:336 asserts checked
   • sato2008:129 asserts checked
   • refines(differs in dialect): The sentence-final particle hani typically appears after imperative sentences to express an admonishing nuance.— Restricts the pan-Ainu observation about imperative hani to Hokkaido Ainu.
2. The sentence-final particle hani typically appears after imperative sentences to express an admonishing nuance.
   終助詞 hani は典型的には命令文の後に現れ、相手に言い聞かせるニュアンスを表す。
   form-function ainu exists hani
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:72 asserts checked
3. The sentence-final particle hVV attaches to the end of a clause to intensify the sentence meaning, and it can attach to affirmative, negative, or interrogative sentences.
   終助詞 hVV は文末につけて文意を強め、肯定文にも否定文にも疑問文にもつく。
   form-function sakhalin generic hVV
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:19 asserts checked
4. In the sentence-final particle hVV, the vowel following h varies depending on the final vowel of the immediately preceding verb.
   終助詞 hVV において、直前の動詞の末母音によって h の次にくる母音は異なる。
   alternation sakhalin all hVV
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:19 asserts checked
5. When a consonant precedes the sentence-final particle hVV, an epenthetic vowel (i) is inserted before hVV.
   終助詞 hVV の前が子音の時は介入母音 (i) を hVV の前に入れる。
   alternation sakhalin all hVVi
   asserts murasaki2025
   • murasaki2025:19 asserts checked
6. Sentence-final particles cannot usually be stacked together, but hani is unique in that it can be placed after na or yan.
   終助詞同士は通常重ねることはできないが、hani だけは na、yan の後ろにさらに置くことができる。
   ordering hokkaido all haninayan
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:336 asserts checked
7. When hani is placed after yan, the h- is often dropped so that it is pronounced like yanani.
   hani が yan の後ろに置かれた場合、h- が落ちて yanani のように発音されることも多い。
   alternation hokkaido usually haniyanyanani
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:336 asserts checked
8. In Chitose (and also Saru) Ainu, hani can be used after an expression admonishing/informing the addressee even when it is not an imperative sentence.
   千歳方言（および沙流方言）において、hani は命令文でない場合でも相手に言い聞かせる表現の後で用いられることがある。
   distribution hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/saru hani
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:336 asserts checked
9. The sentence-final particle hani may also be used after non-imperative expressions when conveying something to the addressee.
   終助詞 hani は命令文でない場合でも、相手に言い聞かせる表現の後で用いられることがある。
   distribution ainu exists hani
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:72 asserts checked
10. hani is a sentence-final particle meaning 'isn't it? / right?'.
    hani は「〜ね」を意味する終助詞である。
    form-function hani
    asserts sato2008
    • sato2008:367 asserts checked

Kakari-musubi concord: oka, nek 8 claims ·7 sentences· 3 examples

How does the language exhibit concord relations between emphatic adverbial particles and sentence-final particles?

1. The particles amun, somun, hetap, and hetapne function as emphatic triggers (kakari) of rhetorical questions.
   助詞 amun, somun, hetap, hetapne は反語の係として機能する。
   form-function amunsomunhetaphetapne
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
2. The emphatic particles tashi, neshi, and nesun (< neshi-un) function as triggers (kakari) of conjecture, taking an-ne (singular) or okai-ne (plural) as their predicate closing.
   語勢助詞 tashi, neshi, nesun (< neshi-un) は推量の係として機能し、結びには単数で an-ne、複数で okai-ne をとる。
   ordering tashineshinesunan-neokai-ne
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
3. In the Hidaka region, tashi is used as a trigger (kakari) of rhetorical questions and takes nek as its predicate closing.
   日高地方では tashi は反語の係として用いられ、結びには nek を用いる。
   variation hokkaido/southwest tashinek
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
4. The sentence-final particle ne(k) closes a sentence in correlation with the emphatic adverbial particle tas(i) in a kakari-musubi-like manner.
   終助詞 ne(k) は強調の副助詞 tas(i) と係り結びのように呼応して、文を終結させる。
   form-function hokkaido generic neknetasitas
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:337 asserts checked
5. The sentence-final particle ne correlates with the adverbial particle esta in the Shizunai dialect, and with esta(p) in the Tokachi dialect.
   終助詞 ne は静内方言では esta、十勝方言では esta(p) という副助詞と呼応する。
   variation hokkaido/southwest/shizunaihokkaido/central/tokachi generic neestaestap
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:337 asserts checked
6. In clauses with tasi, the sentence-final particle nek frequently appears at the end of the sentence in concord with it.
   tasi に呼応して、文末に nek という終助詞が現れることが多い。
   distribution usually tasinek
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:70 asserts checked
7. The particle nek co-occurs with the adverbial particle tasi to express emphasis, mainly in quotations within high/poetic language.
   nek は副助詞 tasi と呼応して強調を表し、主に雅語の引用文中で用いられる。
   form-function ainu generic nektasi
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:73 asserts checked
8. The sentence-final particle oka co-occurs with the particle ta to express a hypothetical, counterfactual desire that is not actually realized.
   終助詞 oka は助詞 ta と呼応して、実際には実現されない仮想的な願望を表す。
   form-function ainu generic okata
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:73 asserts checked

Register-marked forms: yo and tapan 1 claims ·5 sentences

How does the language mark affective register using sentence-final particles attached after nominalizers?

1. The sentence-final particle yo is used after p/pe or hi to indicate recollection accompanied by strong emotion.
   終助詞 yo は p/pe や hi の後で用いられて、強い感情を伴った回想を示す。
   form-function ainu generic yoppehi
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:76 asserts checked

Ordering and stacking at the clause edge 3 claims ·6 sentences

What is the ordering of elements at the clause-final position including sentence-final particles?

1. The sentence-final particle na is frequently placed after tapan.
   tapan の後ろに終助詞 na が置かれることも多い。
   distribution ainu usually tapanna
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:401 asserts checked
2. Except in very exceptional cases, sequences of two sentence-final particles do not normally occur in Ainu.
   アイヌ語では、ごく例外的な場合を除いて終助詞が連続して用いられることは普通はない。
   distribution ainu generic
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:72 asserts checked
3. The sequence yan hani is an exceptional example where two sentence-final particles occur in succession.
   yan hani は終助詞が二つ連続している例である。
   distribution ainu example_only yanhani
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:72 asserts checked

Boundaries: SFP, connective, and the evidential tail 0 sentences

How does the language distinguish sentence-final particles from connectives and evidential tails at clause boundaries?

na as clause-boundary connective 3 claims ·4 sentences· 1 examples

How does the particle 'na' function as a clause-boundary connective rather than a sentence-final particle?

1. The sentence-final particle na ('you know', 'because...') carries a feeling of demanding or prompting something from the addressee, and when followed by an imperative or request clause, it plays the role of a conjunctive particle.
   終助詞 na「〜よ」「〜から」は相手に対して何か要求する、あるいはうながす気持ちを含ませ、後ろに命令・要求の文が続く場合は接続助詞的な役割を果たす。
   form-function hokkaido generic na
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:335 asserts checked
2. The morpheme na can be used between sentences as well as in sentence-final position.
   形態素naは文末位置だけでなく文間でも使用されうる。
   distribution hokkaido/southwest/shizunai generic na
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986 asserts checked
3. In the Saru dialect, a similar particle na functions both as a conjunctionalizer between the justification for a command and the command itself, and as an assertive sentence-final suffix implying an unspoken command.
   沙流方言において、同様のnaは命令の正当化理由と命令そのものの間の接続助詞化詞としても、暗黙の命令を含意する断定的な文末接尾辞としても機能する。
   variation hokkaido/southwest/saru generic na
   reports refsing1986
   • refsing1986:253 reports anchored

ya/a as Q-particle vs. complementizer 6 claims ·6 sentences

How does the particle 'ya' (or 'a') function as a question particle or a complementizer?

1. Because interrogative a also occurs after vowels in Chitose and Ishikari, it is an independent particle rather than a post-consonantal variant of ya.
   千歳および石狩方言において、疑問助詞 a は母音の後にも現れるため、ya の子音後における脱落異形態ではなく独立した助詞である。
   analysis hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/central/ishikari exists aya
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:333 asserts checked
   • contrasts(differs in dialect): In Shizunai Ainu, the interrogative sentence-final suffix ya is often realized as [a] after consonants.— Refsing treats post-consonantal [a] as an allomorph of ya in Shizunai, whereas Nakagawa shows a is an independent particle in Chitose and Ishikari.
2. In Shizunai Ainu, the interrogative sentence-final suffix ya is often realized as [a] after consonants.
   静内方言において、疑問文末接尾辞 ya は子音の後でしばしば [a] と発音される。
   alternation hokkaido/southwest/shizunai exists ya
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:228 asserts checked
3. ya and a are sentence-final particles expressing a question.
   疑問を表す終助詞として ya と a がある。
   existence generic yaa
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:332 asserts checked
4. In dialects such as Chitose and Ishikari, ya and a coexist as two distinct sentence-final particles fulfilling a similar interrogative function.
   千歳や石狩などの方言には、同じような役割を果たす ya と a の2つの終助詞が存在する。
   existence hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/central/ishikari all yaa
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:333 asserts checked
5. The interrogative sentence-final suffix ya may indicate a direct question or simply doubt about the statement made.
   疑問文末接尾辞 ya は直接疑問、または述べられた言明に対する疑いを表すことがある。
   form-function hokkaido/southwest/shizunai all ya
   asserts refsing1986
   • refsing1986:228 asserts checked
6. The particle ya is not used very often as a sentence-final particle, but is more frequently used as a nominalizer.
   ya は疑問の終助詞であるが、終助詞として使われることはそれほど多くなく、むしろ文を名詞化する名詞化辞として使われることが多い。
   frequency ainu usually ya
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:75 asserts checked

wa as SFP vs. sequential connective 1 claims ·6 sentences

How is the particle 'wa' distinguished between its use as a sentence-final particle and as a sequential connective?

1. There are rare examples where imperative clauses marked by yan are connected by the conjunctive particle wa.
   ごく少数であるが、yan による命令文同士を接続助詞 wa でつないだ例が見受けられる。
   distribution ainu exists yanwa
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:404 asserts checked

The evidential tail as sentence-type switch 4 sentences· 1 examples

How do evidential formal nouns function with copula or existential verbs to indicate sentence type?

sekor is not a sentence-final particle 4 sentences

Why is the quotative particle 'sekor' not considered a sentence-final particle?

Register, genre, and the gender question 1 claims ·13 sentences

Are sentence-final particles conditioned by the speaker's gender in this language?

1. Ainu sentence-final particles are in principle used by both men and women, with no particles specific to one gender.
   アイヌ語の終助詞は原則として男女共に用い、男女どちらかに特有の終助詞というものはない。
   absence ainu all
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:72 asserts checked