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Tangiku 2022

Tangiku Itsuji 丹菊逸治 (2022). Differences between Karafuto and Hokkaido Ainu dialects. Handbook of the Ainu language (HJLL 12), ch. 9. De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin & Boston.

prior-analysis sakhalin text held locally OCR handbook-epub: 9 leaves, 9 with a printed page

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Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 4

1. Consonants that have changed to h in syllable-final position appear as p, t, and k before affiliative form suffixes and before the person suffix -an.
   音節末でhに変化した子音は、所属形接尾辞や人称接尾辞-anの前ではp、t、kとして現れる。
   asserts
2. For nouns where the stem-final consonant becomes -h in the conceptual form, the underlying consonant surfaces before the affiliative suffix, and only a form corresponding to the Hokkaido long affiliative form is used.
   語末子音が概念形で-hに変化する名詞では、所属形において基底の子音が現れ、北海道方言の長所属形に相当する形のみが用いられて短所属形との区別は存在しない。
   asserts
3. In Karafuto dialects, affiliative forms are formed by adding a suffix of the form -VhV to the conceptual form.
   樺太方言において所属形は概念形に-VhVという形式の接尾辞を後接させて形成される。
   asserts
4. When a noun stem ends in the long vowels ii or uu, the vowel of the affiliative suffix is e, the long vowel shortens, and the suffixes surface as -yehe and -wehe, respectively.
   名詞語幹が長母音iiまたはuuで終わる場合、所属形接尾辞の母音はeとなり、長母音は短化してそれぞれ-yehe、-weheとなる。
   asserts

The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification 1

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, affiliative forms are standard for body parts and kin terms, frequent for instruments and buildings, but normally absent for natural phenomena and geographical features.
   樺太アイヌ語において所属形は身体部位・親族名称で概ね用いられ、道具・建築物で頻繁に用いられる一方、自然現象や地勢語では通常用いられない。
   asserts

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 1

1. The causative suffix -re/-te attaches before vowel addition to final r, appearing as -te after nukar and kor and triggering the change of syllable-final r to n.
   使役接尾辞-re/-teは語末rへの母音添加の前に付加され、nukarやkorの後では-teとなり、音節末rはnに変化する。
   asserts

Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory 1

1. When co-occurring with a conjunction in Karafuto Ainu, -hci is omitted from the first verb.
   樺太アイヌ語において、接続詞［接続助詞］と共起する場合、第一の動詞から -hci は省略される。
   asserts

Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 4

1. When cise 'house' is in its affiliative form and immediately followed by the locative particle ta, the affiliative suffix is pronounced lightly or dropped, surfacing almost without exception as an-cise ta with the person prefix an-.
   cise「家」が所属形で格助詞 ta の直前に置かれる場合、所属形接尾辞は極めて弱く発音されるか脱落し、特に人称形式 an- がつく場合にはほぼ例外なく an-cise ta となる。
   asserts
2. In the phrase cise ene 'to the house', cise is always pronounced without the affiliative suffix -he.
   cise ene における cise の発音は常に単に /cise/ であり、接尾辞 -he が発音されることは決してない。
   asserts
3. When the plural affiliative form cise-he-hcin is followed by ta or ene, the affiliative suffix -he drops out to give cise-hcin, and the final -n of -hcin also drops, leaving -hci.
   所属複数形 cise-he-hcin に格助詞 ta または ene が後続する場合、所属接尾辞が脱落して cise-hcin となり、さらに -hcin の末尾の -n も脱落して -hci となる。
   asserts
4. Possessive expressions formed with the affiliative form can alternate with a relative-clause construction using the verb koro 'have'.
   所属形を用いた所有表現は、動詞koro「所有する」を用いた名詞修飾表現に言い換えることができる。
   asserts

Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses 2

1. In combination with the topical conjunctive particle neanpe, nominalization with -hV forms an expression that is used like a conjunction expressing a sequence of events ('when ~ happened, the next event happened').
   主題接続助詞neanpeと組み合わさることで、名詞化辞-hVによる名詞化形は「〜した時、次の出来事が起きた」という出来事の連鎖を表す接続詞のように用いられる表現を形成する。
   asserts
2. Unlike the conjunction anah, the -hV neanpe construction does not have a condition-contrary-to-fact use.
   接続詞anahとは異なり、-hV neanpe構文には反事実的条件の用法はない。
   asserts

The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization 4

1. Sakhalin Ainu has twelve consonant phonemes including the glottal stop.
   樺太アイヌ語には声門閉鎖音を含めて12個の子音音素が存在する。
   asserts asserts: murasaki2025 3 statements
2. In syllable-final position in Karafuto dialects, p, t, and k become h (or s after i), m becomes n, and r becomes rV.
   樺太方言では音節末において、p、t、kはh（iの後ではs）に、mはnに、rはrVに変化する。
   asserts
3. In the northern east coast from Taraika to Nairo, and around Tarantomari in the central west coast, some dialects preserve syllable-final p, t, and k as in Hokkaido dialects.
   東海岸北部の多来加から内路にかけて、および西海岸中部の多蘭泊周辺では、北海道方言のように音節末のp、t、kを保持する方言がある。
   asserts
4. The Esutoru dialect is reported to distinguish between syllable-final -is and -ih.
   恵須取方言は音節末の-isと-ihを区別すると報告されている。
   reports

Deverbal and Denominal Noun Derivation (Lexical Nominalizer Morphology) 5

1. In Karafuto Ainu, unlike Hokkaido dialects, a verb can be nominalized by suffixing -hV to the verb.
   樺太アイヌ語では北海道方言と異なり、動詞に-hVを付加することで名詞化できる。
   asserts
2. If a verb ends in an open syllable, the nominalizing suffix -hV is formed using the final vowel, yielding the forms -ha, -he, -hi, -ho, and -hu.
   動詞が開音節で終わる場合、名詞化接尾辞-hVは語末母音を用いて形成され、-ha, -he, -hi, -ho, -huという形をとる。
   asserts
3. If a verb ends in a closed syllable, the nominalizing suffix -ihi is added.
   動詞が閉音節で終わる場合、名詞化接尾辞として-ihiが付加される。
   asserts
4. A noun formed with the -hV nominalizing suffix expresses an individual, specific event.
   名詞化接尾辞-hVによって形成された名詞は、個別的・具体的な出来事を表す。
   asserts
5. The nominalizing suffix -hV is used in presuppositional contexts.
   名詞化接尾辞-hVは前提的な文脈で用いられる。
   reports

The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism 2

1. In Karafuto Ainu, when a first-person subject is combined with a second person, the plurality of a second-person object is marked by the presence or absence of -an.
   樺太アイヌ語において、1人称主語が2人称と組み合わされる際、2人称目的語名詞の複数性は -an の有無によって標示される。
   asserts
2. In Karafuto Ainu (Esutoru), an- appears when a first person and a second person plural participate in a subject-object or object-subject relation.
   樺太アイヌ語（恵須取方言）では、1人称と2人称複数が主語・目的語関係または目的語・主語関係にある際に an- が現れる。
   reports

The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex 1

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, the plural suffix -hci/-hcin shortens a preceding long vowel and surfaces as -ahci/-ahcin with underlying /p/, /t/, or /k/ surfacing from derived coda -h.
   樺太アイヌ語において、複数接辞 -hci/-hcin は先行する長母音を短母音化し、派生的な末子音 -h の後では -ahci/-ahcin の前で基底の p, t, k が表面化する。
   asserts

First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 3

1. In the dialects of the northern part of the west coast of Sakhalin, first-person plural affixes are sometimes used in place of the singular form.
   樺太西海岸北部方言では、一人称複数形が一人称単数形の代わりに用いられることがある。
   asserts
2. Unlike Hokkaido dialects, Karafuto Ainu lacks first-person exclusive affixes ci- and -as.
   北海道方言と異なり、樺太アイヌ語には1人称排他接辞 ci- および -as が存在しない。
   asserts
3. Unlike Hokkaido dialects, Karafuto Ainu lacks a clusivity distinction between inclusive and exclusive 'we', and the forms an-/-an can be used for both.
   北海道方言と異なり、樺太アイヌ語には聞き手を含む包括の「私たち」と聞き手を除外する排他の「私たち」の区別がなく、an-/-an が両方に用いられる。
   asserts

Honorific and Logophoric Uses of the Fourth Person 2

1. When speaking with an elder, young speakers of Karafuto Ainu use an-/-an as first-person affixes, functioning as a kind of honorific language.
   樺太アイヌ語では、若年層が長老と話す際に an-/-an を1人称接辞として用い、これは一種の敬語表現と見なすことができる。
   asserts
2. Murasaki (1979) claims that the first-person singular use of fourth person affixes is found in elder-to-younger, elder-to-elder, and younger-to-elder utterances.
   村崎（1979）は、4人称接辞の1人称単数での用法が「長老→若年者」「長老→長老」「若年者→長老」の発話に見られると主張している。
   reports

Honorific, Ritual, and Taboo Registers 1

1. In the Sakhalin Ainu ceremonial prayer register, a distinct lexical stratum is preserved, such as using ape for 'fire' rather than the everyday unci.
   樺太アイヌ語の儀礼祈祷レジスターでは特殊な語彙層が保たれており、日常語の unci に代えて ape「火」が用いられる。
   asserts

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 5

1. In Karafuto Ainu, the fourth-person (indefinite person) affixes an-/-an do not have a separate first-person inclusive function, but are used as first-person singular forms in addition to ku-.
   樺太アイヌ語において、4人称（不定人称）接辞 an-/-an には独立した1人称包括の機能はなく、ku- に加えて1人称単数形として用いられる。
   asserts
2. Hattori (1961) and Murasaki (1979) treat the first-person singular use of an-/-an as a stylistic difference corresponding to an elders' speech style.
   服部（1961）および村崎（1979）は、an-/-an の1人称単数としての用法を、語彙における「長老語」に対応する「長老層の文体」という文体差として扱っている。
   reports
3. In Karafuto Ainu, the fourth person affixes are used for indefinite persons.
   樺太アイヌ語において、4人称接辞は不定人称を表すために用いられる。
   asserts
4. In Karafuto Ainu, fourth person affixes are used for the subject in an impersonal passive sentence, with the agent expressed by the ablative case.
   樺太アイヌ語では、4人称接辞は非人称受動文の主語に用いられ、動作主は奪格によって示される。
   asserts
5. In Karafuto Ainu, fourth person affixes are used to represent unspecified people speaking in quoted sentences.
   樺太アイヌ語では、引用文中で発話者となる不特定の「人々」の人称を表すのに4人称接辞が用いられる。
   asserts

Light Verbs, Pro-Verbs, and the Auxiliary-Verb Construction 1

1. When -hci attaches to an auxiliary verb following a main verb in Karafuto Ainu, it does not attach to the main verb.
   樺太アイヌ語において、本動詞に後続する補助動詞に -hci が付く場合、本動詞には付かない。
   asserts

Nominal Number: Transnumerality, -utar, and the Locus of Plurality 4

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, the affiliative form takes -hcin when either the possessor or the possessed entity is plural.
   樺太アイヌ語において、所属形は所有者または被所有者のいずれかが複数である場合に接尾辞 -hcin を取る。
   asserts
2. In Sakhalin Ainu, the plural suffix -hcin attaches exclusively to the affiliative (possessed) form of nouns.
   樺太アイヌ語において、名詞複数接尾辞 -hcin は所属形にのみ後続する。
   asserts
3. In Sakhalin Ainu, when there are multiple possessors and a singular possessee, -hcin attaches after the affiliative suffix to agree with the plural possessor.
   樺太アイヌ語において、所有者が複数で被所有物が単数の場合、所属形接尾辞の後に -hcin が付加されて複数所有者との一致を表す。
   asserts
4. In Sakhalin Ainu, when there is a single possessor and multiple possessees, -hcin attaches after the affiliative suffix to agree with the plural possessees.
   樺太アイヌ語において、所有者が単数で被所有物が複数の場合、所属形接尾辞の後に付加された -hcin は複数被所有物との一致を表す。
   asserts

Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns 1

1. Karafuto dialects distinguish ordinary nouns from locative nouns, and many nouns in both classes have both a non-specific conceptual form and a specific, concrete affiliative form.
   樺太方言では普通名詞と位置名詞が区別され、両クラスの多くの名詞に非特定的な概念形と特定的・具象的な所属形の両方が存在する。
   asserts

Northern Contact: Nivkh, Tungusic, and Manchu 1

1. Sakhalin Ainu numeral tanku '100' is a borrowing from Tungusic.
   樺太アイヌ語の数詞 tanku「100」はツングース諸語からの借用語である。
   asserts proposes: nakagawa2024 2 statements

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

1. In Karafuto Ainu, the conceptual form of ordinary nouns is used in noun compounding and in noun incorporation.
   樺太アイヌ語において普通名詞の概念形は、名詞複合法や名詞抱合において用いられる。
   asserts

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 2

1. According to Hattori (1961) and Murasaki (1979), Karafuto dialects do not have distinctive accent.
   服部（1961）および村崎（1979）によれば、樺太方言には弁別的なアクセントはない。
   reports
2. In Karafuto dialects, pitch accent is placed on the first syllable if it contains a long vowel or is a closed syllable, and on the second syllable if the first syllable is an open syllable with a short vowel.
   樺太方言では、第1音節が長母音を含むか閉音節である場合は第1音節に、短母音をもつ開音節である場合は第2音節にピッチアクセントが置かれる。
   asserts

Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental 4

1. In indicating the source of a noise, Karafuto Ainu, like Hokkaido dialects, uses the allative case particle ene rather than the ablative case wa.
   音の出所を示す際、北海道方言と同様に、樺太アイヌ語でも奪格 wa ではなく向格小辞 ene が用いられる。
   asserts
2. In the dialects of the northern part of the Karafuto west coast, there are no attested examples of place names followed directly by the allative case particle ene.
   樺太西海岸北部方言には、地名の直後に向格小辞 ene が後続する用例は見られない。
   asserts
3. In Karafuto Ainu, the conceptual form of a noun can occur with the instrumental case marker ani.
   樺太アイヌ語では、名詞の概念形は具格後置詞aniとともに生起することができる。
   asserts
4. In Karafuto Ainu, there are no examples of the simple ablative particle wa immediately following a noun affiliative form.
   名詞所属形の直後に or-o-wa の単純形 wa が直接後続する用例はない。
   asserts

Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy 1

1. In an adnominal modification structure in Karafuto Ainu, -hci is often used, but occasionally omitted.
   樺太アイヌ語の連体修飾構造において、-hci はしばしば用いられるが、用いられない例も少数ある。
   asserts

Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 12

1. A number of locative nouns like kaa 'above' and soy 'outside' have no affiliative forms and always appear alone directly followed by locative case particles.
   kaa「〜の上」や soy「〜の外」のようないくつかの位置名詞には所属形がなく、常に単独で直後に格助詞を伴って現れる。
   asserts
2. When a locative noun is followed by a simple locative case particle, it appears in its conceptual form and does not change to its affiliative form.
   位置名詞に単純な格助詞が後続する場合、概念形で現れ、所属形には変化しない。
   asserts
3. The affiliative form of a locative noun is used with non-locative verbs to show the possessor or possessee of the verb's subject or object.
   位置名詞の所属形は、一般的な非位置動詞とともに用いられ、その動詞の主語や目的語の所有関係（所有者または被所有者）を示す。
   asserts
4. In Karafuto dialects, compounded locative case particles can follow either the conceptual form or the affiliative form of ordinary nouns.
   樺太方言では、複合格助詞は普通名詞の概念形にも所属形にも後続することができる。
   asserts
5. Locative nouns can directly follow a verb phrase without modification, without requiring a nominalizing suffix or a formal noun.
   位置名詞は修飾なしに動詞句に直接後続することができ、その際、名詞化接尾辞や形式名詞を必要としない。
   asserts
6. Certain transitive verbs can only take locative nouns as their object.
   ある種の他動詞は位置名詞のみを目的語に取ることができる。
   asserts
7. Place names and the words cise 'house' and kotan 'village' have characteristics of both ordinary and locative nouns, and can be followed by either simple locative case particles or compounded locative case particles.
   地名および cise「家」、kotan「村」という語は普通名詞と位置名詞の双方の性質を持ち、単純な格助詞あるいは複合格助詞のいずれをも後続させることができる。
   asserts
8. The noun wahka 'water' almost always appears in its conceptual form followed by onne or ohta, and never as *wahkaha ohta, *wahka ene, or *wahka ta.
   wahka「水」はほぼ常に概念形で現れ、wahka onne または wahka ohta として現れるが、*wahkaha ohta, *wahka ene, *wahka ta となることは決してない。
   asserts
9. In Karafuto Ainu, the noun kotan 'village' can take locative case particles directly in its conceptual form, unlike other ordinary nouns and unlike cise.
   樺太アイヌ語において、kotan「村」は他の普通名詞や cise とも異なり、概念形のままで格助詞を直接伴うことができる。
   proposes
10. In the northern dialects of the Karafuto west coast, there are no attested examples of the bare root form san (< sam) 'beside'.
    樺太西海岸北部方言（恵須取、小田洲）では、語根そのものの形である san (< sam) の用例は見られない。
    asserts
11. Ordinary nouns cannot be directly followed by a locative case particle; only locative nouns can appear directly before them.
    普通名詞には直接格助詞が後続することはできず、位置名詞だけが格助詞の直前に現れることができる。
    asserts
12. The antecedent of a locative noun can be omitted if the location has already been mentioned or is already known.
    すでに言及されたか既知である場所を表す場合、位置名詞の先行詞は省略できる。
    asserts

The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r 3

1. In the northern Karafuto Nairo dialect and east coast dialects such as Ōtani, there is a tendency to pronounce several words with initial r with the stop t.
   樺太北部の内路方言および大谷などの東海岸方言において、語頭にrをもつ語を破裂音tで発音する傾向がいくつかの語に見られる。
   reports
2. In Karafuto dialects, a vowel is added to a syllable-final r to create an open syllable, often reduplicating the root vowel or matching the vowel of the Hokkaido affiliative form.
   樺太方言では音節末のrの後に母音が添加されて開音節を形成し、しばしば語根母音が反復されるか、北海道方言の所属形に現れる母音と同じ母音が添加される。
   asserts
3. In many Karafuto dialects, word-initial r is changed to t in some lexical items.
   多くの樺太方言において、いくつかの語彙項目で語頭のrが破裂音tに変化する。
   asserts

Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison 4

1. In dialects such as the Taraika dialect, conversion of a syllable-final consonant to -h does not take place.
   多来加方言のように、音節末子音の-hへの転換が起きない方言が存在する。
   reports
2. In Karafuto dialects, basic vocabulary for family relations, verbs, and numerals differs from Hokkaido dialects, such as ahci 'grandmother', henke 'grandfather', unci 'fire', hukuy 'burn', and etaras 'stand'.
   樺太方言では、ahci「祖母」、henke「祖父」、unci「火」、hukuy「燃える」、etaras「立つ」のように、親族名称、基本動詞、数詞において北海道方言と異なる語彙が見られる。
   asserts
3. In Karafuto Ainu, lexical variation exists between age groups, where younger speakers use one set of words and mature adults use an elders' vocabulary.
   樺太アイヌ語では年齢層による語彙変異が存在し、成熟前の若者が用いる語彙と、成熟後に用い始める長老語彙が区別される。
   reports
4. Karafuto Ainu belongs to the c- dialects in the word-initial p/c opposition.
   語頭のp/c対立において、樺太アイヌ語諸方言はc方言群に属する。
   asserts

The Sentence-Final Particle System and Illocutionary Force 2

1. A verb in its nominalized form with -ha/-he/-hi/-ho/-hu is sometimes used like a sentence-final particle.
   -ha/-he/-hi/-ho/-huによって名詞化された形の動詞は、終助詞のように用いられることがある。
   asserts
2. The sentence-final particle use of nominalized verbs presents old information and occurs in presuppositional contexts.
   名詞化動詞の終助詞的用法は旧情報を提示し、前提的な文脈で生起する。
   reports

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 10

1. In Karafuto Ainu, several verbs show a singular–plural distinction through stem alternation.
   樺太アイヌ語では、語幹交替によって単数・複数の区別を示す動詞がいくつか存在する。
   asserts
2. For verbs of existence and motion in Karafuto Ainu, stem alternation indicates whether the existing or moving entities are singular or plural (roughly more than 4 or 5), agreeing with the subject.
   樺太アイヌ語の存在動詞や移動動詞では、語幹交替によって存在するものが単数か複数（大体4〜5以上）かが示され、主語の単複と一致する。
   asserts
3. For verbs expressing actions directed at an object in Karafuto Ainu, the plural stem expresses multiple occurrences of the action rather than necessarily matching the number of the subject or object.
   樺太アイヌ語の対象に向かう動作を表す動詞では、複数形語幹は動作の複数回生起（複数回行われること）を表し、主語や目的語の単複とは一致しないことがある。
   asserts
4. Unlike the causative suffix, the plural suffix -hci is attached after vowel addition to syllable-final r, taking the shape -hci rather than -ahci.
   使役接尾辞とは異なり、複数接尾辞-hciは語末rへの母音添加の後に付加されるため、-ahciではなく-hciの形をとる。
   asserts
5. The verbal suffix -hci and nominal suffix -hcin express plurality of participants in Karafuto Ainu.
   樺太アイヌ語において、動詞接尾辞 -hci および名詞接尾辞 -hcin は参与者の複数を表す。
   asserts
6. The plural suffixes -hci/-hcin take the allomorphs -hci/-hcin after a vowel and -ahci/-ahcin after a consonant.
   複数接尾辞 -hci/-hcin は母音の後では -hci/-hcin、子音の後では -ahci/-ahcin の形態をとる。
   asserts
7. In Karafuto Ainu, the plural marker -ahci/-hci on a transitive verb can agree with a plural subject even when the object is singular.
   樺太アイヌ語において、他動詞の複数標識 -ahci/-hci は、目的語が単数であっても複数主語と一致しうる。
   asserts
8. In Karafuto Ainu, the verbal plural marker -hci can agree with a plural object when the subject is singular.
   樺太アイヌ語において、主語が単数であっても、動詞の複数標識 -hci は複数目的語と一致しうる。
   asserts
9. In Karafuto Ainu, res-ke 'raise, bring up' has the same stem for singular and plural, contrasting with Hokkaido Ainu res-u/res-ka (singular) and res-pa (plural).
   樺太アイヌ語の res-ke「育てる」は単複同形であり、北海道アイヌ語の単数形 res-u/res-ka、複数形 res-pa と対照的である。
   asserts
10. In Karafuto Ainu, the verb 'get up' has the singular stem numa and plural stem payki, contrasting with Hokkaido Ainu hopun-i (singular) and hopun-pa (plural).
    樺太アイヌ語の「起きる」は単数語幹 numa、複数語幹 payki であり、北海道アイヌ語の単数形 hopun-i、複数形 hopun-pa と対照的である。
    asserts

The Vigesimal Numeral System 1

1. In Karafuto dialects, numerals above ten are formed decimally, using kunkutu for tens units and tanku for hundreds units.
   樺太方言では、11以上の数詞は十の位にkunkutu、百の位にtankuを用いて十進法的に表される。
   asserts

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 5

1. Sakhalin Ainu possesses a five-vowel system consisting of /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, and /u/.
   樺太アイヌ語は /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/ の5母音体系をもつ。
   asserts asserts: murasaki2025 3 statements
2. Unlike Hokkaido dialects which lack phonemic vowel length, Sakhalin Ainu distinguishes long and short vowels.
   音素的な母音の長短の対立をもたない北海道方言と異なり、樺太アイヌ語には長短母音の対立が存在する。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2012, refsing1986 4 statements
3. Many vowels that bear a high accent in many Hokkaido dialects are lengthened in Karafuto dialects.
   北海道の多くの方言で高ピッチをもつ母音の多くは、樺太方言において長母音化している。
   asserts
4. The root vowel in a single-syllable word may be long in Karafuto dialects, but it becomes short when a suffix is attached.
   樺太方言において単音節語の語根母音は長母音になりうるが、接尾辞が付くと短母音になる。
   asserts
5. In word-final position, -e in Hokkaido dialects corresponds to -i in Karafuto dialects.
   語末において、北海道方言の-eは樺太方言の-iに対応する。
   asserts

The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition 2

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, an unmodified intransitive verb used as a noun expresses a general concept.
   樺太アイヌ語において、無変化の自動詞が名詞として用いられると一般的な概念を表す。
   asserts
2. In both Sakhalin and Hokkaido dialects, an intransitive verb or one-valence verb phrase can be used as a noun expressing a general concept.
   樺太および北海道方言において、自動詞または1価の動詞句は一般的な概念を表す名詞として用いることができる。
   asserts

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison 4

1. In Karafuto dialects, basic vocabulary for family relations, verbs, and numerals differs from Hokkaido dialects, such as ahci 'grandmother', henke 'grandfather', unci 'fire', hukuy 'burn', and etaras 'stand'.
   樺太方言では、ahci「祖母」、henke「祖父」、unci「火」、hukuy「燃える」、etaras「立つ」のように、親族名称、基本動詞、数詞において北海道方言と異なる語彙が見られる。
   p. 9.3 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalinhokkaido ahcihúcihenkeekasiunciapehukuyuhuy
2. In Karafuto Ainu, lexical variation exists between age groups, where younger speakers use one set of words and mature adults use an elders' vocabulary.
   樺太アイヌ語では年齢層による語彙変異が存在し、成熟前の若者が用いる語彙と、成熟後に用い始める長老語彙が区別される。
   p. 9.3 variation reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
3. Karafuto Ainu belongs to the c- dialects in the word-initial p/c opposition.
   語頭のp/c対立において、樺太アイヌ語諸方言はc方言群に属する。
   p. 9.1 membership asserts extracted · anchor 3% sakhalin
4. In dialects such as the Taraika dialect, conversion of a syllable-final consonant to -h does not take place.
   多来加方言のように、音節末子音の-hへの転換が起きない方言が存在する。
   p. 9.2 absence reports extracted · anchor 3% sakhalin -h

Honorific, Ritual, and Taboo Registers 1

1. In Karafuto Ainu, ceremonial prayers preserve a distinct lexical stratum, such as using ape for 'fire' instead of the everyday word unci.
   樺太アイヌ語の儀礼の祈りの言葉には特殊な語彙層が存在し、通常のunci「火」に対してapeが用いられる。
   p. 9.3 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin apeunci

The Vigesimal Numeral System 1

1. In Karafuto dialects, numerals above ten are formed decimally, using kunkutu for tens units and tanku for hundreds units.
   樺太方言では、11以上の数詞は十の位にkunkutu、百の位にtankuを用いて十進法的に表される。
   p. 9.3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin kunkututanku

Northern Contact: Nivkh, Tungusic, and Manchu 1

1. The Karafuto Ainu numeral tanku '100' is a borrowing from Tungusic.
   樺太アイヌ語の数詞tanku「100」はツングース諸語からの借用語である。
   p. 9.3 diachrony asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin tanku

Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns 1

1. Karafuto dialects distinguish ordinary nouns from locative nouns, and many nouns in both classes have both a non-specific conceptual form and a specific, concrete affiliative form.
   樺太方言では普通名詞と位置名詞が区別され、両クラスの多くの名詞に非特定的な概念形と特定的・具象的な所属形の両方が存在する。
   p. 9.4 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin

Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 4

1. In Karafuto dialects, affiliative forms are formed by adding a suffix of the form -VhV to the conceptual form.
   樺太方言において所属形は概念形に-VhVという形式の接尾辞を後接させて形成される。
   p. 9.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -VhV
2. When a noun stem ends in the long vowels ii or uu, the vowel of the affiliative suffix is e, the long vowel shortens, and the suffixes surface as -yehe and -wehe, respectively.
   名詞語幹が長母音iiまたはuuで終わる場合、所属形接尾辞の母音はeとなり、長母音は短化してそれぞれ-yehe、-weheとなる。
   p. 9.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -yehe-wehe
3. For nouns where the stem-final consonant becomes -h in the conceptual form, the underlying consonant surfaces before the affiliative suffix, and only a form corresponding to the Hokkaido long affiliative form is used.
   語末子音が概念形で-hに変化する名詞では、所属形において基底の子音が現れ、北海道方言の長所属形に相当する形のみが用いられて短所属形との区別は存在しない。
   p. 9.4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -h-ihi
4. Consonants that have changed to h in syllable-final position appear as p, t, and k before affiliative form suffixes and before the person suffix -an.
   音節末でhに変化した子音は、所属形接尾辞や人称接尾辞-anの前ではp、t、kとして現れる。
   p. 9.2 alternation asserts extracted · anchor 14% sakhalin -antehtek-ihiitahitak-an

The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification 1

1. In Karafuto Ainu, body parts and kin terms generally appear in the affiliative form, instruments and buildings do so frequently, while astronomical, physiographical, and natural phenomena terms normally do not.
   樺太アイヌ語では、身体部位名や親族名称は概ね所属形で用いられ、道具や建築物がそれに次ぐ一方、天文・地理的特徴や自然現象を表す語は通常所属形をとらない。
   p. 9.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin

Nominal Number: Transnumerality, -utar, and the Locus of Plurality 4

1. The affiliative form takes the plural suffix -hcin when either the possessor or the possessed entity is plural.
   所属形は、所有者または被所有者のいずれかが複数である場合に複数接尾辞-hcinをとる。
   p. 9.4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hcin
2. In Karafuto Ainu, the plural nominal suffix -hcin attaches only to the affiliative form.
   樺太アイヌ語において、名詞複数接尾辞 -hcin は所属形にのみ後続する。
   p. 9.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hcin
3. When there are multiple possessors and the possessee is singular in Karafuto Ainu, -hcin is suffixed after the affiliative suffix on the possessee to agree with the possessors.
   樺太アイヌ語において、複数の所有者がいて被所有物が単数である場合、-hcin は被所有物の所属形接尾辞の後に付加されて所有者の一致を表す。
   p. 9.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hcin
4. When there is a single possessor and multiple possessees in Karafuto Ainu, the suffix -hcin attached after the affiliative suffix agrees with the plural possessees.
   樺太アイヌ語において、単数の所有者に対して複数の被所有物がある場合、所属形接尾辞の後に付加された -hcin は複数被所有物の一致を表す。
   p. 9.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hcin

Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 4

1. Possessive expressions formed with the affiliative form can alternate with a relative-clause construction using the verb koro 'have'.
   所属形を用いた所有表現は、動詞koro「所有する」を用いた名詞修飾表現に言い換えることができる。
   p. 9.4 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin koro
2. When cise 'house' is in its affiliative form and immediately followed by the locative particle ta, the affiliative suffix is pronounced lightly or dropped, surfacing almost without exception as an-cise ta with the person prefix an-.
   cise「家」が所属形で格助詞 ta の直前に置かれる場合、所属形接尾辞は極めて弱く発音されるか脱落し、特に人称形式 an- がつく場合にはほぼ例外なく an-cise ta となる。
   p. 9.5 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an-cise tacise-he
3. In the phrase cise ene 'to the house', cise is always pronounced without the affiliative suffix -he.
   cise ene における cise の発音は常に単に /cise/ であり、接尾辞 -he が発音されることは決してない。
   p. 9.5 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin cise ene-he
4. When the plural affiliative form cise-he-hcin is followed by ta or ene, the affiliative suffix -he drops out to give cise-hcin, and the final -n of -hcin also drops, leaving -hci.
   所属複数形 cise-he-hcin に格助詞 ta または ene が後続する場合、所属接尾辞が脱落して cise-hcin となり、さらに -hcin の末尾の -n も脱落して -hci となる。
   p. 9.5 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin cise-he-hcincise-hci-hcin-hci

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

1. In Karafuto Ainu, the conceptual form of ordinary nouns is used in noun compounding and in noun incorporation.
   樺太アイヌ語において普通名詞の概念形は、名詞複合法や名詞抱合において用いられる。
   p. 9.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin

Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental 4

1. In Karafuto Ainu, the conceptual form of a noun can occur with the instrumental case marker ani.
   樺太アイヌ語では、名詞の概念形は具格後置詞aniとともに生起することができる。
   p. 9.4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin ani
2. In indicating the source of a noise, Karafuto Ainu, like Hokkaido dialects, uses the allative case particle ene rather than the ablative case wa.
   音の出所を示す際、北海道方言と同様に、樺太アイヌ語でも奪格 wa ではなく向格小辞 ene が用いられる。
   p. 9.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalinhokkaido enewa
3. In the dialects of the northern part of the Karafuto west coast, there are no attested examples of place names followed directly by the allative case particle ene.
   樺太西海岸北部方言には、地名の直後に向格小辞 ene が後続する用例は見られない。
   p. 9.5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin/north ene
4. In Karafuto Ainu, there are no examples of the simple ablative particle wa immediately following a noun affiliative form.
   名詞所属形の直後に or-o-wa の単純形 wa が直接後続する用例はない。
   p. 9.5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin waor-o-wa

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 5

1. Like Hokkaido dialects, Karafuto dialects possess a five-vowel system of a, e, i, o, and u.
   北海道方言と同様に、樺太方言はa、e、i、o、uの5母音体系をもつ。
   p. 9.2 existence asserts extracted · anchor 10% sakhalin aeiou
2. Unlike Hokkaido dialects, Karafuto dialects have a vowel length contrast.
   北海道方言と異なり、樺太方言には母音の長短の対立がある。
   p. 9.2 existence asserts extracted · anchor 0% sakhalin
3. Many vowels that bear a high accent in many Hokkaido dialects are lengthened in Karafuto dialects.
   北海道の多くの方言で高ピッチをもつ母音の多くは、樺太方言において長母音化している。
   p. 9.2 variation asserts extracted · anchor 0% sakhalinhokkaido kaanikániseesehsések
4. The root vowel in a single-syllable word may be long in Karafuto dialects, but it becomes short when a suffix is attached.
   樺太方言において単音節語の語根母音は長母音になりうるが、接尾辞が付くと短母音になる。
   p. 9.2 alternation asserts extracted · anchor 0% sakhalin puukiiki-hci
5. In word-final position, -e in Hokkaido dialects corresponds to -i in Karafuto dialects.
   語末において、北海道方言の-eは樺太方言の-iに対応する。
   p. 9.2 variation asserts extracted · anchor 6% sakhalinhokkaido -e-itanitaneponiponetek-ihitek-e-he

The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization 4

1. As in Hokkaido dialects, Karafuto dialects have 12 consonants: p, t, k, c, s, r, m, n, w, y, h, and ' (glottal stop).
   北海道方言と同様に、樺太方言にはp、t、k、c、s、r、m、n、w、y、h、'の12子音がある。
   p. 9.2 existence asserts extracted · anchor 30% sakhalin ptkcsrmn
2. In syllable-final position in Karafuto dialects, p, t, and k become h (or s after i), m becomes n, and r becomes rV.
   樺太方言では音節末において、p、t、kはh（iの後ではs）に、mはnに、rはrVに変化する。
   p. 9.2 alternation asserts extracted · anchor 13% sakhalin ptkhsmnr
3. In the northern east coast from Taraika to Nairo, and around Tarantomari in the central west coast, some dialects preserve syllable-final p, t, and k as in Hokkaido dialects.
   東海岸北部の多来加から内路にかけて、および西海岸中部の多蘭泊周辺では、北海道方言のように音節末のp、t、kを保持する方言がある。
   p. 9.2 distribution asserts extracted · anchor 7% sakhalin ptk
4. The Esutoru dialect is reported to distinguish between syllable-final -is and -ih.
   恵須取方言は音節末の-isと-ihを区別すると報告されている。
   p. 9.2 existence reports extracted · anchor 9% sakhalin -is-ih

The Rhotic /r/ and Coda-r 3

1. In Karafuto dialects, a vowel is added to a syllable-final r to create an open syllable, often reduplicating the root vowel or matching the vowel of the Hokkaido affiliative form.
   樺太方言では音節末のrの後に母音が添加されて開音節を形成し、しばしば語根母音が反復されるか、北海道方言の所属形に現れる母音と同じ母音が添加される。
   p. 9.2 alternation asserts extracted · anchor 0% sakhalin nukaranukarkisarukisar
2. In many Karafuto dialects, word-initial r is changed to t in some lexical items.
   多くの樺太方言において、いくつかの語彙項目で語頭のrが破裂音tに変化する。
   p. 9.2 alternation asserts extracted · anchor 0% sakhalin retarretaratetara
3. In the northern Karafuto Nairo dialect and east coast dialects such as Ōtani, there is a tendency to pronounce several words with initial r with the stop t.
   樺太北部の内路方言および大谷などの東海岸方言において、語頭にrをもつ語を破裂音tで発音する傾向がいくつかの語に見られる。
   p. 9.1 variation reports extracted · anchor 4% sakhalin rupruhtup

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 1

1. The causative suffix -re/-te attaches before vowel addition to final r, appearing as -te after nukar and kor and triggering the change of syllable-final r to n.
   使役接尾辞-re/-teは語末rへの母音添加の前に付加され、nukarやkorの後では-teとなり、音節末rはnに変化する。
   p. 9.2 ordering asserts extracted · anchor 17% sakhalin -re-tenukan-tekon-te

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 10

1. Unlike the causative suffix, the plural suffix -hci is attached after vowel addition to syllable-final r, taking the shape -hci rather than -ahci.
   使役接尾辞とは異なり、複数接尾辞-hciは語末rへの母音添加の後に付加されるため、-ahciではなく-hciの形をとる。
   p. 9.2 ordering asserts extracted · anchor 8% sakhalin -hci-ahcikoro-hci
2. In Karafuto Ainu, several verbs show a singular–plural distinction through stem alternation.
   樺太アイヌ語では、語幹交替によって単数・複数の区別を示す動詞がいくつか存在する。
   p. 9.6 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
3. For verbs of existence and motion in Karafuto Ainu, stem alternation indicates whether the existing or moving entities are singular or plural (roughly more than 4 or 5), agreeing with the subject.
   樺太アイヌ語の存在動詞や移動動詞では、語幹交替によって存在するものが単数か複数（大体4〜5以上）かが示され、主語の単複と一致する。
   p. 9.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
4. For verbs expressing actions directed at an object in Karafuto Ainu, the plural stem expresses multiple occurrences of the action rather than necessarily matching the number of the subject or object.
   樺太アイヌ語の対象に向かう動作を表す動詞では、複数形語幹は動作の複数回生起（複数回行われること）を表し、主語や目的語の単複とは一致しないことがある。
   p. 9.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
5. In Karafuto Ainu, res-ke 'raise, bring up' has the same stem for singular and plural, contrasting with Hokkaido Ainu res-u/res-ka (singular) and res-pa (plural).
   樺太アイヌ語の res-ke「育てる」は単複同形であり、北海道アイヌ語の単数形 res-u/res-ka、複数形 res-pa と対照的である。
   p. 9.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalinhokkaido res-keres-ures-kares-pa
6. In Karafuto Ainu, the verb 'get up' has the singular stem numa and plural stem payki, contrasting with Hokkaido Ainu hopun-i (singular) and hopun-pa (plural).
   樺太アイヌ語の「起きる」は単数語幹 numa、複数語幹 payki であり、北海道アイヌ語の単数形 hopun-i、複数形 hopun-pa と対照的である。
   p. 9.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalinhokkaido numapaykihopun-ihopun-pa
7. The verbal suffix -hci and nominal suffix -hcin express plurality of participants in Karafuto Ainu.
   樺太アイヌ語において、動詞接尾辞 -hci および名詞接尾辞 -hcin は参与者の複数を表す。
   p. 9.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hci-hcin
8. The plural suffixes -hci/-hcin take the allomorphs -hci/-hcin after a vowel and -ahci/-ahcin after a consonant.
   複数接尾辞 -hci/-hcin は母音の後では -hci/-hcin、子音の後では -ahci/-ahcin の形態をとる。
   p. 9.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hci-hcin-ahci-ahcin
9. In Karafuto Ainu, the plural marker -ahci/-hci on a transitive verb can agree with a plural subject even when the object is singular.
   樺太アイヌ語において、他動詞の複数標識 -ahci/-hci は、目的語が単数であっても複数主語と一致しうる。
   p. 9.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -ahci-hci
10. In Karafuto Ainu, the verbal plural marker -hci can agree with a plural object when the subject is singular.
    樺太アイヌ語において、主語が単数であっても、動詞の複数標識 -hci は複数目的語と一致しうる。
    p. 9.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hci

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 2

1. According to Hattori (1961) and Murasaki (1979), Karafuto dialects do not have distinctive accent.
   服部（1961）および村崎（1979）によれば、樺太方言には弁別的なアクセントはない。
   p. 9.2 absence reports extracted · anchor 10% sakhalin
2. In Karafuto dialects, pitch accent is placed on the first syllable if it contains a long vowel or is a closed syllable, and on the second syllable if the first syllable is an open syllable with a short vowel.
   樺太方言では、第1音節が長母音を含むか閉音節である場合は第1音節に、短母音をもつ開音節である場合は第2音節にピッチアクセントが置かれる。
   p. 9.2 distribution asserts extracted · anchor 0% sakhalin héekopokáhkemahcikáh

First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 3

1. In the dialects of the northern part of the west coast of Sakhalin, first-person plural affixes are sometimes used in place of the singular form.
   樺太西海岸北部方言では、一人称複数形が一人称単数形の代わりに用いられることがある。
   p. 9.6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin ku-an--an
2. Unlike Hokkaido dialects, Karafuto Ainu lacks first-person exclusive affixes ci- and -as.
   北海道方言と異なり、樺太アイヌ語には1人称排他接辞 ci- および -as が存在しない。
   p. 9.7 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin ci--as
3. Unlike Hokkaido dialects, Karafuto Ainu lacks a clusivity distinction between inclusive and exclusive 'we', and the forms an-/-an can be used for both.
   北海道方言と異なり、樺太アイヌ語には聞き手を含む包括の「私たち」と聞き手を除外する排他の「私たち」の区別がなく、an-/-an が両方に用いられる。
   p. 9.7 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an--an

The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex 1

1. When -hci/-hcin attaches after a vowel, a preceding long vowel is shortened, and when attaching after a derived coda -h, the underlying p, t, or k surfaces before -ahci/-ahcin.
   母音に後続する -hci/-hcin では直前の長母音は短母音化し、派生的な末子音 -h に後続する場合は -ahci/-ahcin の前で基底の p, t, k が現れる。
   p. 9.6 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hci-hcin-ahci-ahcin

Light Verbs, Pro-Verbs, and the Auxiliary-Verb Construction 1

1. When -hci attaches to an auxiliary verb following a main verb in Karafuto Ainu, it does not attach to the main verb.
   樺太アイヌ語において、本動詞に後続する補助動詞に -hci が付く場合、本動詞には付かない。
   p. 9.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hci

Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy 1

1. In an adnominal modification structure in Karafuto Ainu, -hci is often used, but occasionally omitted.
   樺太アイヌ語の連体修飾構造において、-hci はしばしば用いられるが、用いられない例も少数ある。
   p. 9.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hci

Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory 1

1. When co-occurring with a conjunction in Karafuto Ainu, -hci is omitted from the first verb.
   樺太アイヌ語において、接続詞［接続助詞］と共起する場合、第一の動詞から -hci は省略される。
   p. 9.6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hci

Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 12

1. Ordinary nouns cannot be directly followed by a locative case particle; only locative nouns can appear directly before them.
   普通名詞には直接格助詞が後続することはできず、位置名詞だけが格助詞の直前に現れることができる。
   p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
2. Certain transitive verbs can only take locative nouns as their object.
   ある種の他動詞は位置名詞のみを目的語に取ることができる。
   p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin amake-oo
3. The antecedent of a locative noun can be omitted if the location has already been mentioned or is already known.
   すでに言及されたか既知である場所を表す場合、位置名詞の先行詞は省略できる。
   p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin oh-ta
4. Locative nouns can directly follow a verb phrase without modification, without requiring a nominalizing suffix or a formal noun.
   位置名詞は修飾なしに動詞句に直接後続することができ、その際、名詞化接尾辞や形式名詞を必要としない。
   p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin oh-ta
5. In the northern dialects of the Karafuto west coast, there are no attested examples of the bare root form san (< sam) 'beside'.
   樺太西海岸北部方言（恵須取、小田洲）では、語根そのものの形である san (< sam) の用例は見られない。
   p. 9.5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin/north sansam
6. A number of locative nouns like kaa 'above' and soy 'outside' have no affiliative forms and always appear alone directly followed by locative case particles.
   kaa「〜の上」や soy「〜の外」のようないくつかの位置名詞には所属形がなく、常に単独で直後に格助詞を伴って現れる。
   p. 9.5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin kaasoy
7. When a locative noun is followed by a simple locative case particle, it appears in its conceptual form and does not change to its affiliative form.
   位置名詞に単純な格助詞が後続する場合、概念形で現れ、所属形には変化しない。
   p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
8. The affiliative form of a locative noun is used with non-locative verbs to show the possessor or possessee of the verb's subject or object.
   位置名詞の所属形は、一般的な非位置動詞とともに用いられ、その動詞の主語や目的語の所有関係（所有者または被所有者）を示す。
   p. 9.5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -he
9. Place names and the words cise 'house' and kotan 'village' have characteristics of both ordinary and locative nouns, and can be followed by either simple locative case particles or compounded locative case particles.
   地名および cise「家」、kotan「村」という語は普通名詞と位置名詞の双方の性質を持ち、単純な格助詞あるいは複合格助詞のいずれをも後続させることができる。
   p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin cisekotantanewa
10. In Karafuto dialects, compounded locative case particles can follow either the conceptual form or the affiliative form of ordinary nouns.
    樺太方言では、複合格助詞は普通名詞の概念形にも所属形にも後続することができる。
    p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin ohtaonneorowa
11. The noun wahka 'water' almost always appears in its conceptual form followed by onne or ohta, and never as *wahkaha ohta, *wahka ene, or *wahka ta.
    wahka「水」はほぼ常に概念形で現れ、wahka onne または wahka ohta として現れるが、*wahkaha ohta, *wahka ene, *wahka ta となることは決してない。
    p. 9.5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin wahkawahka onnewahka ohta
12. In Karafuto Ainu, the noun kotan 'village' can take locative case particles directly in its conceptual form, unlike other ordinary nouns and unlike cise.
    樺太アイヌ語において、kotan「村」は他の普通名詞や cise とも異なり、概念形のままで格助詞を直接伴うことができる。
    p. 9.5 distribution proposes checked · anchor 100% sakhalin kotankotan ta

Deverbal and Denominal Noun Derivation (Lexical Nominalizer Morphology) 5

1. In Karafuto Ainu, unlike Hokkaido dialects, a verb can be nominalized by suffixing -hV to the verb.
   樺太アイヌ語では北海道方言と異なり、動詞に-hVを付加することで名詞化できる。
   p. 9.8 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalinhokkaido -hV
2. If a verb ends in an open syllable, the nominalizing suffix -hV is formed using the final vowel, yielding the forms -ha, -he, -hi, -ho, and -hu.
   動詞が開音節で終わる場合、名詞化接尾辞-hVは語末母音を用いて形成され、-ha, -he, -hi, -ho, -huという形をとる。
   p. 9.8 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hV-ha-he-hi-ho-hu
3. If a verb ends in a closed syllable, the nominalizing suffix -ihi is added.
   動詞が閉音節で終わる場合、名詞化接尾辞として-ihiが付加される。
   p. 9.8 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -ihi
4. A noun formed with the -hV nominalizing suffix expresses an individual, specific event.
   名詞化接尾辞-hVによって形成された名詞は、個別的・具体的な出来事を表す。
   p. 9.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hV
5. The nominalizing suffix -hV is used in presuppositional contexts.
   名詞化接尾辞-hVは前提的な文脈で用いられる。
   p. 9.8 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hV

The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition 2

1. A noun formed without the nominalizing suffix, by treating an unmodified intransitive verb as a noun, expresses a general concept.
   名詞化接尾辞を用いず、無変化の自動詞を名詞として扱うことで形成された名詞は、一般的な概念を表す。
   p. 9.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
2. As in Hokkaido dialects, an intransitive verb or a one-valence verb phrase can be used as a noun expressing a general concept in Karafuto Ainu.
   北海道方言と同様に、樺太アイヌ語でも自動詞（または1価の動詞句）は一般的な概念を表す名詞として用いることができる。
   p. 9.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalinhokkaido

Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses 2

1. In combination with the topical conjunctive particle neanpe, nominalization with -hV forms an expression that is used like a conjunction expressing a sequence of events ('when ~ happened, the next event happened').
   主題接続助詞neanpeと組み合わさることで、名詞化辞-hVによる名詞化形は「〜した時、次の出来事が起きた」という出来事の連鎖を表す接続詞のように用いられる表現を形成する。
   p. 9.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hVneanpe
2. Unlike the conjunction anah, the -hV neanpe construction does not have a condition-contrary-to-fact use.
   接続詞anahとは異なり、-hV neanpe構文には反事実的条件の用法はない。
   p. 9.8 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -hVneanpeanah

The Sentence-Final Particle System and Illocutionary Force 2

1. A verb in its nominalized form with -ha/-he/-hi/-ho/-hu is sometimes used like a sentence-final particle.
   -ha/-he/-hi/-ho/-huによって名詞化された形の動詞は、終助詞のように用いられることがある。
   p. 9.8 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% sakhalin -ha-he-hi-ho-hu
2. The sentence-final particle use of nominalized verbs presents old information and occurs in presuppositional contexts.
   名詞化動詞の終助詞的用法は旧情報を提示し、前提的な文脈で生起する。
   p. 9.8 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 5

1. In Karafuto Ainu, the fourth-person (indefinite person) affixes an-/-an do not have a separate first-person inclusive function, but are used as first-person singular forms in addition to ku-.
   樺太アイヌ語において、4人称（不定人称）接辞 an-/-an には独立した1人称包括の機能はなく、ku- に加えて1人称単数形として用いられる。
   p. 9.7 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an--anku-
2. Hattori (1961) and Murasaki (1979) treat the first-person singular use of an-/-an as a stylistic difference corresponding to an elders' speech style.
   服部（1961）および村崎（1979）は、an-/-an の1人称単数としての用法を、語彙における「長老語」に対応する「長老層の文体」という文体差として扱っている。
   p. 9.7 analysis reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an--an
3. In Karafuto Ainu, the fourth person affixes are used for indefinite persons.
   樺太アイヌ語において、4人称接辞は不定人称を表すために用いられる。
   p. 9.7 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an--an
4. In Karafuto Ainu, fourth person affixes are used for the subject in an impersonal passive sentence, with the agent expressed by the ablative case.
   樺太アイヌ語では、4人称接辞は非人称受動文の主語に用いられ、動作主は奪格によって示される。
   p. 9.7 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an-
5. In Karafuto Ainu, fourth person affixes are used to represent unspecified people speaking in quoted sentences.
   樺太アイヌ語では、引用文中で発話者となる不特定の「人々」の人称を表すのに4人称接辞が用いられる。
   p. 9.7 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% sakhalin an-

Honorific and Logophoric Uses of the Fourth Person 2

1. When speaking with an elder, young speakers of Karafuto Ainu use an-/-an as first-person affixes, functioning as a kind of honorific language.
   樺太アイヌ語では、若年層が長老と話す際に an-/-an を1人称接辞として用い、これは一種の敬語表現と見なすことができる。
   p. 9.7 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an--an
2. Murasaki (1979) claims that the first-person singular use of fourth person affixes is found in elder-to-younger, elder-to-elder, and younger-to-elder utterances.
   村崎（1979）は、4人称接辞の1人称単数での用法が「長老→若年者」「長老→長老」「若年者→長老」の発話に見られると主張している。
   p. 9.7 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an--an

The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism 2

1. In Karafuto Ainu (Esutoru), an- appears when a first person and a second person plural participate in a subject-object or object-subject relation.
   樺太アイヌ語（恵須取方言）では、1人称と2人称複数が主語・目的語関係または目的語・主語関係にある際に an- が現れる。
   p. 9.7 distribution reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin an--an
2. In Karafuto Ainu, when a first-person subject is combined with a second person, the plurality of a second-person object is marked by the presence or absence of -an.
   樺太アイヌ語において、1人称主語が2人称と組み合わされる際、2人称目的語名詞の複数性は -an の有無によって標示される。
   p. 9.7 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin -an

Chapters citing this source

Examples cited from this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. Murasaki's 1979 grammar of Sakhalin Ainu , Dal Corso's 2021 re-edition with translation and grammatical notes , Dal Corso's 2024 study of Piłsudski's corpus phonetics and morphosyntax , and Tangiku's 2022 Handbook chapter on HA–SA differences supply the Sakhalin data used for comparison. no page The Dialect Sample and the Corpus-Quantification Method
2. The ‹SA› final-consonant reflexes — sik → sis, cup → cuh — are instances of debuccalization: stop codas weaken to h, then shift further to s after front vowels . §2.3 Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes
3. affiliative/possessive form (sik-ihi, not *sis-ihi), confirming the reconstructed coda . §2.3, §5 Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes
4. siisam ; . §2.1 Proto-Ainu Reconstruction: Segments and Accent Classes
5. In Sakhalin Ainu a systematic coda-weakening rule applies: stop and fricative codas debuccalize to h (p, t, k → h), nasal m merges with n, and coda r is followed by a vowel that opens the syllable ; . §2.3 The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex
6. Community members nukopoli and aldehyde8908 independently documented these alternations in the aynu-corpora Discord — kor → koh (nukopoli, 2024) and the sik / sis split (aldehyde8908, 2025) — both fully corroborated by ‹corpus-confirmed›. §2.3 The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex
7. The ‹SA›RA surface form mah would predict an affiliative *mah-ihi, but the attested form is mac-ihi, with an affricate c absent from the citation form of both dialects ; . §2.3, §5 The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex
8. Tangiku and community member thegodofneet (2025, ) treat it as a glottal or pharyngeal breath [h], citing the dialect dictionary's description that only breath, not modal voicing, exits, and raising the further question of whether the coda segment and the word-initial onset h are the same phoneme ‹contested›. §2.3 The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex
9. The Taraika (east coast) and Tarantomari dialects preserve p / t / k in coda position where the main ‹SA› dialects have h, and Esutoru distinguishes -is from -ih . §2.3 The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex
10. Sakhalin Ainu carries phonemic vowel length in open stem syllables (a aa e ee i ii o oo u uu); Hokkaido Ainu has a pitch accent and no contrastive length ; . §2.1 The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex
11. Hattori (1967, via ; ) first stated the systematic correspondence: a ‹SA› long vowel in an open stem syllable aligns with a HA high-pitch syllable in the same position. §2.1 The Final-h Problem and Its Sakhalin Vowel-Length Reflex
12. The affiliative suffix must therefore preserve access to the underlying base consonant that is otherwise hidden by final debuccalization . §2.3, §5 Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways
13. The corresponding ‹SA› form (a)hci is likely the archaic stage, placing ci as intermediate . §7.5 Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways
14. Hattori (1967) first established the correspondence: a Sakhalin long vowel corresponds to a Hokkaido high pitch, and a Sakhalin short vowel in a closed-syllable stem likewise corresponds to Hokkaido high pitch in the same environments ; . §2.1 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
15. Where Hokkaido has a word-final or syllable-final p, t, or k, the core Sakhalin varieties produce h; final m becomes n; and final r receives a following vowel, keeping the syllable open ; . §2.3 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
16. Community corroboration: the kor > koh change and the general pattern of coda-consonant debuccalization in Sakhalin are noted, with examples, in aynu-corpora Discord discussion (nukopoli 2024-12-19, aldehyde8908 2025-04-22; ), consistent with . §2.3 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
17. The eastern coast varieties Taraika and Tarantomari preserve the coda stops p/t/k like Hokkaido; the Esutoru subdialect distinguishes -is from -ih . §2.3 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
18. The phonological status of SA coda h itself is disputed: Alonso de la Fuente treats it as a velar fricative /x/ (with realisations [ax], [iɕ], [uf]), while Tangiku and community members analyse it as a laryngeal breath h ; ‹contested›. §2.3 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
19. The underlying consonant is thus directly recoverable from morphological alternation even where phonology has eliminated it from the independent form ; . §2.3, §5 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
20. Sakhalin uses only the long affiliative form — there is no short/long alternation of the kind found in Hokkaido . §5 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
21. The affiliative insert is transparently the suffix -hi 'thing, trace' attached to the base: san+hi = sanihi, makan+hi = makanihi — a pathway corroborated in community analysis (nukopoli, aynu-corpora Discord 2024-12-16; ), and consistent with the general account of the affiliative's origin from the noun hi 'thing, trace' argued by Janhunen (2020) via . §5 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
22. Within Sakhalin, the Nairo subdialect (eastern Sakhalin) shows word-initial t- where Hokkaido and the remaining Sakhalin varieties have r-: Nairo teera 'wind' corresponds to HA rera and non-Nairo SA reera; Nairo taarak 'smooth' corresponds to HA raarak . §2.5 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
23. The Sakhalin varieties use a decimal structure for eleven and above, with kunkutu '10' and tanku '100' as the key items . §6.1 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
24. The word tanku '100' is a Tungusic borrowing; kunkutu '10' may derive from Itelmen (the language of the Kamchatka Peninsula), on the basis of a resemblance to forms recorded by Krasheninnikov in 1755 — this is a comparison, not a demonstrated etymology ‹speculative›. §6.1 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
25. The Sakhalin varieties lack the first-person-plural-exclusive forms that Hokkaido marks with ci= / =as . §7.4 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
26. In an "elders' style" of Sakhalin speech, the fourth-person forms an= / =an cover first-singular reference alongside the dedicated ku= . §7.4 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
27. Sakhalin uses the suffix -hci / -hcin; most Hokkaido dialects outside Saru–Chitose use ci; Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari use pa ; . §7.5 Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu: The External Comparison
28. Hokkaido Ainu counts vigesimally; Sakhalin uses a decimal system above ten, with the word for 'hundred', tanku, established as a Tungusic borrowing, and the word for 'ten', kunkutu, proposed on the basis of early records as a loan from Itelmen/Kamchadal ‹contested›. §6.1 Northern Contact: Nivkh, Tungusic, and Manchu
29. The dialect represented is the western coastal (Raichiishka/Laichiśka) variety; minor contrasts with the slightly more southerly Maoka variety and the northeastern Taraika variety are noted where they bear on the comparisons below . ch. 9 A Glossed Sakhalin (Enciw) Text with Hokkaido Contrast
30. The two systems correspond diachronically: what HK encodes as a high pitch on a short vowel, SA encodes as length on that vowel ; . ch. 9 A Glossed Sakhalin (Enciw) Text with Hokkaido Contrast
31. SA replaces all four with a single surface segment /-h/, which is the reflex of the historical closure when no vowel follows; the original coda emerges when a vowel-initial suffix is added ; . ch. 9 A Glossed Sakhalin (Enciw) Text with Hokkaido Contrast
32. The existential opposition in examples (1) and (2) — singular 'an versus plural 'okay — is cognate with HK an versus oka=an . ch. 9 A Glossed Sakhalin (Enciw) Text with Hokkaido Contrast