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Dal Corso 2018

Dal Corso, Elia (2018). Ainu evidentiality: A semantico-pragmatic analysis and a morphosyntactic account. SOAS, University of London, London.

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1. Four formal (defective) nouns — , , , and — combine with the copula to yield a four-term paradigm encoding a visual-trace / inferential evidential, a direct-visual / situational evidential, a reportative, and a non-visual sensory evidential respectively ; ; . 304 A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
2. Dal Corso's dissertation on Ainu evidentiality provided a semantico-pragmatic account of the formal-noun evidential system and a morphosyntactic analysis of its construction and clause-final frames. no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
3. Tamura Suzuko's contemporaneous field recordings in Biratori (principally 平賀サダモ and others) underlie her Saru dictionary and the folktale and lyric texts from which Dal Corso and Hirosawa draw evidential examples ; . no page The Oral-Literature Corpus and Spoken-Language Data
4. The evidential framing that pervades the corpus differs by genre: ruwe ne marks the narrator's asserted knowledge of story-world events in prose tales, while the formulaic ceremonial close ruwe tapan na appears in prayer and ritual contexts . 331 The Oral-Literature Corpus and Spoken-Language Data
5. The formal nouns that build the nominalization-plus-copula evidential constructions (ruwe, siri, hawe, humi) are glossed by their compositional morpheme labels (poss, cop) rather than by a holistic evidential tag, since the grammaticalization of those forms is partial and the morpheme-level analysis remains transparent ; this choice is consistent with the convention of . 24–25 Interlinear Glossing, Abbreviations, and Citation Conventions
6. A corpus example is attributed to the edition (, , ) or to the narrator and archive slot directly. no page Interlinear Glossing, Abbreviations, and Citation Conventions
7. No source read here offers a constituency proof that decides between them ; ; ; ‹contested›. 24–25 The Nominalizers -p/-pe and -i/-hi (Participant, Event, Place, Fact)
8. Bugaeva argues that the erstwhile nouns are considerably grammaticalized and the construction is moving toward a monoclausal complex predicate, supported by the fact that the formal noun no longer heads a full NP (*pirka ruwe ne kewtum is ungrammatical — no determiner or attributive modifier can attach) ; ‹contested›. 24–25 Lexical-Head and Formal-Noun Nominalization (kur, uske, ruwe/hawe/siri/humi)
9. The wider biclausal-versus-monoclausal question — whether [clause] ruwe ne, [clause] hawe ne, and their kin are biclausal (an external formal noun heading the preceding clause, the copula predicating the result: ; ) or are grammaticalizing toward monoclausal complex predicates (; ) — is addressed with its evidence in and . 24–25 Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses
10. The diagnostic is that a fully lexical noun can take demonstratives and attributive modifiers (pirka menoko 'a beautiful woman'), whereas the evidential formal noun cannot: *pirka ruwe ne kewtum is ungrammatical ; . 24–25 Nominalized Complements and Control/Raising
11. As the second predicate in a pair-verb chain, sir-an replaces the plain existential an and adds a perceptual dimension: the state or action named by the first verb is not merely ongoing but visibly so, its appearance persisting for the observer ; . 304, 326–327 The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an
12. Dal Corso reads sir-an in this position as the indirect visual evidential in his eight-form system, the form that applies when the scene is accessible but the speaker treats the evidence as somewhat less immediately processed than under the direct-perception siri ne . 304, 326–327 The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an
13. Dal Corso reads siri an as one of eight evidential forms — the indirect visual counterpart to the direct-perception siri ne — organized by the parameters of source reliability and event accessibility . 304, 313–315 The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an
14. Four direct evidential forms use the copula ne; a parallel set of indirect counterparts replaces it with the existential an, the action verb ki, or the posture verb as . 304–314 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
15. The type is realized analytically through a nominalization-plus-copula construction, not through dedicated verbal affixes — this makes Ainu a textbook case of the nominalization-based evidential strategy ; ‹consensus›. 24–25 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
16. The boundary between the visual (siri) and the knowledge-from-trace (ruwe) cells is contested in the recent literature and is discussed in the ruwe ne chapter ; ‹contested›. 311–312 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
17. Dal Corso's morphosyntactic account resolves the four formal nouns into an eight-form system organized by two parameters: source reliability (REL) and event accessibility (ACCES) . 304–337 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
18. Source reliability is not epistemic modality: it specifies the psychophysical or cognitive channel of acquisition and says nothing about the speaker's degree of certainty . 339 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
19. The underlying sense hierarchy runs Sight > Smell/Taste–Touch > Hearing, yielding a coarser visual/non-visual split: ruwe ne and siri ne are the higher-reliability direct members, humi ne and hawe ne the lower . 312 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
20. A structural asymmetry distinguishes the ru-series: in Saru, Chitose, and Biratori the trace-noun enters only direct evidentiality, and there is no indirect *ru an counterpart to siri an . 309, 326 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
21. The hawe as indirect form has, moreover, nearly fully specialized as a reportative — for quotation when the source is overt and for hearsay when it is absent — while humi as is never reportative . 328–330 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
22. In Dal Corso's Hokkaido reference texts it accounts for 1508 of 2232 evidential tokens — roughly two thirds of all eight forms, and more than five times the next most frequent form (hawe ne, 298 tokens) . 72 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
23. These counts derive from Dal Corso's specific reference texts (Kayano, Tamura, Nakagawa, Bugaeva), not from the full Hokkaido corpus, and should be treated as indicative of the skew rather than as absolute proportions ‹corpus-suggested›. 41 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
24. It is adopted by Takahashi , Dal Corso , Nakagawa , and Hirosawa . no page The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
25. Dal Corso explicitly argues that the territory-of-information account is inapplicable to Hokkaido direct evidentiality . 335–337 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
26. Dal Corso ties the copula vs. existential/posture-verb choice to perspective: the copula ne expresses an internal, speaker-anchored viewpoint and hosts the direct forms; an, as, and ki express an external viewpoint and host the indirect forms . 313–315 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
27. The evidential formal nouns admit no demonstrative or attributive modifier of their own, cannot head an ordinary common-noun relative clause, and are fixed in linear position ; . 24–25 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
28. Dal Corso stresses that the degree of grammaticalization varies across the system: ruwe ne is the most grammaticalized of the four Hokkaido direct forms, with the Sakhalin particle manu at the far end of the cline as a fully fused suffix . 24–25 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
29. Saru, Chitose, Biratori (the core of Dal Corso's data) use the possessed forms ruwe / siri / hawe / humi and maintain the eight-form direct/indirect system . 304–337 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
30. Asahikawa and Shiranuka show an inferential ru an, with the trace-noun entering the indirect frame in apparent complementary distribution with the siri an of the southern dialects . 326 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
31. Two evidential expressions may stack in one clause; this is more frequent in Hokkaido than in Sakhalin . 331–333 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
32. In the second pattern, ruwe ne reinforces a lower-reliability direct form, boosting epistemic commitment: attested hawe ne nankor ruwe ne 'maybe my god secretly let me know' . 332 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
33. Other attested combinations include hawe as ruwe ne, siri ki siri ne, siri an ruwe ne, and humi ne humi as . 331–333 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
34. Dal Corso finds no evidence that the Hokkaido evidential paradigm systematically generates mirative readings; this contrasts with Sakhalin, where personal-knowledge evidentials can trigger mirative interpretations through a deictic-gap mechanism . 336 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
35. Dal Corso resolves these four direct terms into an eight-form system whose indirect counterparts replace the copula with the existential an, the verb ki ‘do’, or as ‘stand’, organized by two parameters, source reliability and event accessibility; within it ruwe ne is the highest-reliability direct form, and the trace-noun ru forms direct evidentiality alone — the southern dialects have no indirect *ru-counterpart to siri an . 304, 309, 337 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
36. In Dal Corso's Hokkaido reference texts it supplies 1508 of 2232 evidential tokens — roughly two thirds of the eight-form system, and far ahead of hawe ne, siri ne, and humi ne . 72 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
37. The head has lost the syntax of a free noun: it admits no demonstrative or attributive modifier of its own (contrast a true lexical head such as pirka menoko ‘a beautiful woman’), it cannot head a common noun (*pirka ruwe ne kewtum), and it is fixed in linear position — kusu ne ruwe ne is well formed but *ruwe ne kusu ne is not ; . 24–25 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
38. This reliability is a matter of source, not of epistemic modality: it names the psychophysical or cognitive channel of acquisition and says nothing about the speaker's degree of certainty, and the original stimulus is typically backgrounded once the information has been assimilated into personal knowledge . 305, 327, 335, 339 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
39. The same mechanism lets a narrator assert events of the story world that she could not have witnessed, presenting them under ruwe ne as traditional, shared knowledge — the use that makes it the default predicate of the narrative frame-text ; : 331 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
40. These accounts are not interchangeable, and at one point they genuinely conflict: Hirosawa builds his analysis on territory-of-information, whereas Dal Corso explicitly argues that the territory-of-information theory is inapplicable to Hokkaido direct evidentiality ; ‹contested›. 335–337 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
41. Dal Corso states plainly that a sense-channel hierarchy does not predict the split: if both are ‘visual’, it fails to say why Ainu so often chooses the trace-form where sight is available, and he leaves the question open, suspecting a driver beyond elicitation . 311–312, 335–336 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
42. When two evidentials stack, the indirect visual siri an is reinforced specifically by ruwe ne, and not by siri ne . 326–327, 331–333 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
43. On this reading Dal Corso's unresolved ‘why ruwe and not siri when sight is available’ and Takahashi's Tokachi finding that individual-level — cognitively stable — properties take ru while transient scenes take sir become two faces of one contrast: siri profiles the accessible appearance, and ruwe the cognized fact extracted from it ‹speculative›. 311–312 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
44. Dal Corso ties the choice of post-nominal predicate to perspective: the copula ne expresses an internal (speaker-anchored) viewpoint and so hosts the direct forms, while the existential and posture/action verbs an, as, and ki express an external viewpoint and host the indirect forms . 313–315 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
45. For ruwe the paradigm is asymmetrical — in the southern dialects there is no indirect *ru form — so ruwe ne functions as the direct, personal-knowledge anchor of the whole system . 309, 326 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
46. Dal Corso is explicit that Hokkaido shows no evidence of the evidential paradigm itself systematically generating mirative meanings — so mirativity may co-occur with ruwe ne but is not its value ‹contested›. 336 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
47. Two patterns recur: a character's indirect source layered under the narrator's ruwe ne as shared knowledge (… hawe as ruwe ne), and ruwe ne reinforcing a low-reliability direct form (… hawe ne nankor ruwe ne) . 331–333 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
48. Dal Corso stresses that the result is only partially grammaticalized — the lexical source stays visible and the choice of post-nominal predicate still matters — so grammaticalization here is a matter of degree ; . 24–25 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
49. Saru, Chitose, Biratori — the southern core of Dal Corso's data — keep the possessed forms ruwe / siri / hawe / humi and the eight-form direct/indirect system . 304–337 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
50. Asahikawa and Shiranuka have an inferential ru an, apparently in complementary distribution with the siri an of the south — a genuine exception to the generalization that ru forms direct evidentiality alone . 326 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
51. Beside the copular ruwehe ne(e) they carry an existential ruwehe ʔan, and the two divide one inferential field by reliability: the existential encodes inference from a less-processed visual stimulus, the copular form inference from a stimulus already worked through, the more reliable of the pair . 281–284 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
52. Southern Hokkaido has only ruwe ne and admits no existential *ruwe an; the ru an of Asahikawa and Shiranuka is the one Hokkaido locus where the trace-noun enters the existential frame, and Dal Corso reads it as the Hokkaido counterpart of Sakhalin ruwehe ʔan . 326, 336 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
53. Combined with the copula ne it yields the declarative frame siri ne, glossed dir.vis by Dal Corso: a direct evidential whose information source is a situation accessible to sight . 305–306 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
54. Within the reliability hierarchy, siri ne occupies the second position, below ruwe ne (knowledge/reasoning) and above humi ne and hawe ne . 337 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
55. In Dal Corso's Hokkaido reference texts it supplies 149 tokens (6.68% of all evidential forms), against 1508 (67.56%) for ruwe ne; its indirect counterparts siri an (59 tokens, 2.64%) and siri ki (42 tokens, 1.88%) are less frequent still . 72 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
56. Dal Corso's dir.vis gloss captures the same range: the copula ne signals an internal, speaker-anchored perspective on a visually accessed event, distinguishing siri ne from the external-perspective indirect forms . 305–306, 313–315 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
57. And Dal Corso's dir.vis subsumes both ongoing direct perception and cases where visible evidence yields a near-certain situational inference; both are direct in the sense that the copula perspective is the speaker's own . 305–306 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
58. Dal Corso leaves it explicitly unresolved: a sense-channel hierarchy fails to predict the choice, and he suspects a driver beyond elicitation . 311–312, 335–336 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
59. Dal Corso places this reading higher in reliability than siri ki and notes that it systematically pairs with ruwe ne in double-evidential constructions — discussed in the section on double evidentiality below . 306, 315–317, 325–327 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
60. Aspectual resultative / progressive: a periphrastic aspect form semantically close to wa an / kor an, expressing an unspecified or vaguely defined condition ; . 315–318 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
61. The three-way ambiguity is described functionally in the sources consulted but lacks a unified syntactic account; Satō 2013's analysis of siri an as a polysemous aspectual-modal-evidential in Chitose is cited by Dal Corso but was not consulted directly ‹speculative›. 316 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
62. Dal Corso glosses it ind.vis: an event visible in a distanced way or from a source other than the current speaker, the verb ki 'do' placing it in the external-perspective set alongside humi as and hawe as . 306–307, 313–314 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
63. A Kayano (Biratori) narrative instance has a character's skilled cooking assessed by a bystander under sirki, expressing surprised indirect-visual perception . 307 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
64. Double evidentiality — two formal nouns stacked in the same clause — is more frequent in Hokkaido Ainu than in Sakhalin Ainu, and the siri-family forms participate in it in a diagnostically consistent pattern . 326–327, 331–333 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
65. When siri an (indirect visual) occurs in a double-evidential construction, its reinforcing partner is invariably ruwe ne, never siri ne — as in the smoke-rising example (supuya at kor sir-an ruwe ne anan, Nakagawa text, Dal Corso ex. 268) . 326–327 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
66. The pattern is systematic: siri ki siri ne is also attested (Dal Corso exx. 267, 274), while combinations such as *siri an siri ne are not reported . 331–333 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
67. Dal Corso leaves the exact semantic driver open ; the full argument is developed in . 311–312, 335–336 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
68. The grammaticalization is partial: the lexical source remains transparent in weather compounds, and the choice of post-nominal predicate (ne vs an vs ki) continues to carry evidential weight . 24–25 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
69. Asahikawa and Shiranuka use ru an in the inferential function that siri an fills in the southern dialects — an apparent complementary distribution that complicates pan-Hokkaido generalizations . 326 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
70. In Dal Corso's eight-form analysis, hawe ne is the direct evidential of hearing (DIR.HRN), the lowest-reliability direct form in the paradigm; its indirect counterpart is hawe as (IND.HRN), treated in §hawe as below . 304–306, 337 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
71. In Dal Corso's reference texts, hawe ne accounts for 298 of 2232 evidential tokens (13.35%), and hawe as for a further 94 (4.21%), making the two hawe-forms together the second most frequent pair after ruwe ne . 72 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
72. Source reliability in his framework is a property of the acquisition channel, not a claim about epistemic certainty — hawe ne specifies how the information was obtained without committing the speaker to a degree of confidence in its truth ‹consensus›. 305–306, 327, 339 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
73. Hirosawa (2026: 81) observes that near-identical sentences can alternate hawe ne and ruwe ne — one version presenting the proposition as heard speech, the other as assimilated knowledge — without a sharp semantic break ; . 306, 339 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
74. The table below summarizes the two hawe-forms along Dal Corso's organizing parameters . 304–330 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
75. hawe as has specialized so thoroughly as a reportative that it is the only indirect form with a robust hearsay reading: humi as is consistently inferential and never reportative, while hawe as handles both the quotative use (overt speaker named) and the hearsay use (source diffuse or absent) ‹corpus-confirmed›. 328–330 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
76. As a lexical item, hawe as means 'a voice is heard; someone speaks; a sound resounds' — the compositional reading of 'voice stands' . 318 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
77. The most frequent pattern is … hawe as ruwe ne, where a character's indirect verbal source is layered under the narrator's ruwe ne, which presents the event as traditional shared knowledge . 331–333 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
78. A second pattern, … hawe ne nankor ruwe ne, uses ruwe ne as an epistemic reinforcer on a lower-reliability direct form . 332 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
79. Dal Corso's general assessment applies: the grammaticalization is partial — the lexical source noun is still visible in the blocking of -he, and the lexical verb haw as 'a voice sounds' remains active — so the shift is a matter of degree rather than categorical completion ‹consensus›. 24–25 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
80. Saru, Chitose, Biratori — the possessed form hawe in the full eight-form direct/indirect system . 304–337 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
81. Source reliability in this account designates the psychophysical channel of acquisition, not a degree of epistemic certainty: a speaker using humi ne specifies non-visual sensory access, not a lower confidence in the proposition . 304, 312–313, 339 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
82. The visual/non-visual macrodivision groups ruwe ne and siri ne on the visual side and humi ne and hawe ne on the non-visual . 312 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
83. In Dal Corso's Hokkaido reference texts it supplies 45 of 2232 evidential tokens (2.02%), with its indirect counterpart humi as adding a further 37 (1.66%) . 72 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
84. The same source noun underlies the lexical predicate humas (hum-as 'to sound, there is a noise'), where is the posture-verb element that also appears in hawe as and in other transient-state predicates such as apto as 'it rains' and rera as 'the wind blows' . 318, 329 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
85. This restriction, shared by all four formal nouns and discussed in , is a diagnostic of partial grammaticalization: the form has shed ordinary head-noun syntax without yet becoming a bound morpheme ‹consensus›. 24–25 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
86. Dal Corso glosses the form dir.flt (direct evidential, feeling) and lists the covered channels as hearing, smell, touch, taste, and an internal 'sixth sense' . 306 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
87. He documents a recurring sensor-stimulus mismatch: the evidential derives historically from the noun meaning 'sound, feeling', yet it licenses gustatory and other non-auditory stimuli . 307, 311 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
88. The indirect sensory evidential humi as replaces the copula ne with the posture verb , shifting the evidential reading from direct to more distanced sensory access: the speaker has sensory grounds but presents them as slightly removed or inferential . 306, 328 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
89. hawe as has largely specialized as a reportative — encoding hearsay when the source is absent and quotation when it is overt . 328–330 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
90. humi as retains its sensory basis throughout: it is consistently inferential from a non-verbal sensory impression and is never reportative ‹corpus-confirmed›. 328 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
91. As a lexical predicate, humas (hum-as) means 'to make a sound, to resound' . 318 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
92. Like the other formal nouns, humi enters double-evidential constructions in which two evidentials stack within a single clause . 331–333 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
93. In humi ne + humi as, the same sensory channel provides both layers; the two evidentials together convey a closely felt percept reported with residual uncertainty . 331–333 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
94. Mirativity is carried in Hokkaido Ainu by the auxiliaries aan / awan and by anan, not by the formal-noun evidentials themselves ; . 336 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
95. The overall cline — sensory noun > possessed formal noun > evidential — is shared by sir, haw, and ru and places the Ainu system within the nominalization-based evidential strategy discussed by ; the path is set out for the full paradigm in . 24–25 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
96. Dal Corso's account of the degree of grammaticalization applies to humi as to the others: partial, with residual nominal behaviour visible in the possessive blocking . 24–25 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
97. Saru, Chitose, Biratori — the core of Dal Corso's data — use the possessed form humi throughout, with the direct/indirect split humi ne / humi as . 304–337 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
98. states this explicitly: Hokkaido Ainu shows no systematic evidence that the evidential paradigm itself generates mirative meanings, in contrast to some Sakhalin configurations. 336 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
99. , working from a different theoretical framing, finds no grounds for aligning aan with the indirect evidential paradigm and treats its mirative effect as pragmatic. 336 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
100. The primary analyses ; agree that this distinction is grammatically real, even where they diverge on the semantics of aan itself. 336 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
101. observes that the copula ne of the direct forms expresses an internal, speaker-anchored viewpoint while the existential and posture verbs of the indirect forms express an external perspective, but stops short of a formal constituency analysis. 314–315 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
102. stresses that the result remains only partially grammaticalized: source-noun semantics are still active in the synchronic distribution (each form retaining a distinct sensory channel), the post-nominal predicate choice still matters for the direct/indirect distinction, and the formal nouns have lost full noun-phrase syntax — they admit no demonstrative or attributive modifier, block the extra possessive ending (*ruwehe, *humihi as evidentials), and are fixed in linear position . 24–25 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
103. In Asahikawa and Shiranuka the trace-form ru enters the existential frame as an inferential (ru an), apparently in complementary distribution with the siri an of the southern dialects . 326 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
104. The community discussion at aynu-corpora Discord (nukopoli, 2024-03-17) summarizes the same Yoshikawa 2020 characterization and notes the high frequency of ruwe ne in narrative and its summative/transitional function, a point corroborated by Dal Corso's corpus counts ‹corpus-confirmed›. 72 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
105. Double evidentials — two formal-noun evidential constructions stacked within a single clause — are more frequent in Hokkaido than in Sakhalin . 331 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
106. documents three functional types from the Kayano, Tamura, Nakagawa, and Bugaeva corpora: 331–333 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
107. An indirect form — typically hawe as (reportative indirect) or siri an (visual indirect) — presents the content from a character's perspective, and ruwe ne closes the utterance from the narrator's perspective as traditional, shared knowledge . 331 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
108. Attested Type A combinations include hawe as ruwe ne, siri an ruwe ne, and siri ki siri ne . 331–333 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
109. (ex. 276) cites a narrator's utterance of the form hawe ne nankor ruwe ne — the modal nankor 'probably' attached to hawe ne is then closed by ruwe ne, which does not eliminate the uncertainty introduced by nankor but frames the compound as an incorporated fact from the speaker's perspective. 332 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
110. adds a distributional argument bearing on the siri forms. 326–327 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
111. The distributional gap that Dal Corso's sense-hierarchy account left open is therefore partially resolved by the double-evidential distribution itself ‹corpus-confirmed›. 311–312 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
112. Conflating the two construction types would obscure the structural difference between the evidential system (formal noun + copula or existential verb) and the mirative system (a perfective auxiliary above the evidential layer) ; . 331, 336 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
113. Within the embedded proposition the placement of somo can in principle leave the scope underdetermined — whether it negates the notional verb or only the existential that hosts the evidential — and Dal Corso's evidentiality study reports both readings for the relevant configurations . 128 Negative-Polarity Indefinites and the Scope of Negation
114. Dal Corso identifies ruwe ne as the default predicate of the narrative frame-text in Saru Hokkaido narrations — the form through which the narrator presents story-world propositions as established, known facts — and traces its dominance in the paradigm partly to this function . 331 Tail-Head Linkage and Narrative Clause Cohesion
115. Mirative meaning in Hokkaido Ainu is carried by the perfective auxiliary aan/anan, not by a dedicated SFP ; . 336 The Sentence-Final Particle System and Illocutionary Force
116. ; . 331 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
117. Dal Corso's Hokkaido reference texts yield 1,508 tokens of ruwe ne out of 2,232 evidential tokens (roughly two-thirds), with the form dominating wherever the narrator presents story-world events as established fact . 72, 331 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
118. Dal Corso, treating the same form as a direct evidential of reasoning and knowledge, notes separately that it serves as "the default predicate of the narrative frame-text" because the narrator presents traditional narrative content as shared, knowable fact rather than as ongoing perception or hearsay . 331 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
119. The perfective a may follow ruwe ne in the post-evidential slot to flag a temporally anterior proposition before the next episode opens, as in … ruwe ne a p 'and (having done) that …' . 196 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
120. hawe as typically frames a character's state as known by hearsay or mediated inference rather than direct witness ; . 298, 331–333 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
121. Dal Corso identifies this as the pattern in which the narrator ratifies a character's indirect source as shared narrative knowledge — the operator ruwe ne scoping over the already-evidentially-marked inner proposition ‹corpus-confirmed›. 331–333 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
122. In contrast, the low-reliability indirect frame hawe ne nankor ruwe ne ('it is fact that (it seems to be said that …)') reinforces an uncertain report by wrapping it in the direct evidential, marking that the narrator vouches for the report even if its original source is uncertain . 332–333 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
123. First, the semantic status of ruwe ne in narrative — whether it is an evidential that happens to dominate narrative or a discourse-boundary marker that has been reanalysed from evidential source — is unresolved in the literature: Dal Corso's source-reliability account and Hirosawa's territory-of-information account both handle the distribution but make different predictions at the discourse level ; ‹contested›. 335–337 Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre
124. The grammaticalization is not complete: the lexical source meaning remains recoverable, and the formal nouns retain nominal properties (they take the full affiliative suffix: ruwehe, humihi) while losing others (they do not accept demonstrative or attributive modification in their evidential function) . 24–25 Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways
125. Dal Corso employs a fine-grained eight-term system organized by two parameters — source reliability and event accessibility — yielding dir.rsn (direct/reasoning), dir.knw (direct/knowledge), ind.vis (indirect/visual), ind.rep (indirect/reportative), ind.sens (indirect/sensory), and their extensions . 304–309 Abbreviations and Glossing-Symbol Conventions