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Simeon 1968

Simeon, George John (1968). The phonemics and morphology of Hokkaido Ainu. PhD dissertation, University of Southern California, Los Angeles.

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1. Two independent checks on Batchelor's material come from Simeon's 1967 fieldwork . 2–4 Historical Orthographies and the Batchelor Tradition
2. Simeon also ran an accuracy test: he translated Batchelor's English glosses into Japanese, elicited the Ainu from his own informants, and found the responses "either similar to or exactly the same as what Batchelor had transcribed", allowing for dialect differences . 3 Historical Orthographies and the Batchelor Tradition
3. The fullest structuralist defence of the diphthong view is Simeon's, who classes /w y/ as "nonsyllabic vowels" on four grounds: phonetic similarity to /u i/, a clustering pattern unlike that of the consonants, the narrow allophonic range they share with the vowels, and their undergoing the same elision as syllabic vowels . 14–15 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
4. The cost of the analysis shows in his inventory of units: alongside rising and falling diphthongs he must admit a triphthong yay and a "geminate diphthong" ayay 'baby' — sequences the coda analysis parses without any new unit types, as yay (CVC) and a.yay (V.CVC). 18 Glides, Vowel Hiatus, and the Diphthong Question
5. Simeon, eliciting at dictation speed from rememberer-speakers in 1967, reported no minimal pairs for stress and tied primary prominence to the final syllable of his "contour" unit, leaving secondary stress unpredictable — this in Hiratori, the same dialect area where Tamura was concurrently documenting lexical accent contrasts of the nísap : nisáp type. 11–12 The Prosodic Unit and the Accent-versus-Tone Analysis
6. The earliest firsthand field record of this rule set is Simeon's 1967 survey of Hiratori, Horobetsu, and Higashi-Shizunai . 22–24 Assimilation and Cluster Simplification: Coda /r/, Nasals, and Clusters
7. Simeon's fieldwork of June–July 1967 on Hiratori, Horobetsu, and Higashi-Shizunai — the informants were Kayano Shigeru, Itaku Haru, and Sasaki Taro — records a set of sub-phonemic differences among three southern dialects that later descriptions rarely separate . 13–17 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax
8. The [ɸ] realization of /h/ before /u/ is constant in Horobetsu and Higashi-Shizunai and optional in Hiratori (hure [ɸure] 'red'); final /n/ surfaces as [ŋ] in Horobetsu and Higashi-Shizunai (kotan [kotaŋ]); and in Horobetsu the contrast of /h/ and /s/ is neutralized before /i/, giving free variation of the type unihi ~ unisi '(my) home' — the same sibilant–laryngeal instability treated in . 13 Hokkaido Dialect Microvariation: Phonology and Morphosyntax