89. Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding

Two kinds of subject incorporation 12 claims ·5 sentences

What are the main types of subject incorporation in Hokkaido Ainu, and how do they differ in function and structure?

1. Transitive subjects can be incorporated into verbs in Ainu.
   アイヌ語において他動詞主語は動詞に抱合されうる。
   existence ainu ku-koy-yanke
   asserts sato2025a, satoni2022
   • sato2025a asserts anchored
   • satoni2022:16.1 asserts checked
   • contradicts(differs in unresolved): Both transitive subjects and agentive intransitive subjects are systematically excluded from noun incorporation in Ainu.— Shibatani claims transitive subjects are systematically excluded from noun incorporation, whereas Satō establishes that transitive subject incorporation exists in Ainu.
2. A-incorporation results in valency decrease, removing the original A from argument position while the original O is promoted to S.
   動作主抱合（A抱合）も結合価の減少をもたらし、元のAが項位置から除去される一方で、元のOがSへと昇格する。
   form-function hokkaido/southwest generic
   asserts bugaeva2012
   • bugaeva2012:490–491 asserts checked
3. S-incorporation may either decrease valency by one and yield a zero-argument verb, or rearrange valency by introducing a new S argument when a noun (usually a body part or relational noun) is incorporated in its possessive form.
   主語抱合（S抱合）は、結合価を1つ減らして0項動詞をもたらすか、あるいは名詞（通常は身体部位や関係名詞）が所属形で抱合される場合に新たなS項を導入して結合価を再編する。
   form-function hokkaido/southwest generic
   asserts bugaeva2012
   • bugaeva2012:490–491 asserts checked
4. Ainu exhibits valency-decreasing S-incorporation with natural phenomena nouns resulting in zero-valency verbs, valency-retaining S-incorporation with body part nouns, and valency-decreasing A-incorporation with natural phenomena and insect nouns.
   アイヌ語には、零結合価動詞を生じる自然現象名詞を伴う結合価低減的S抱合、身体部位名詞を伴う結合価維持的S抱合、および（超）自然現象や昆虫名詞を伴う結合価低減的A抱合が存在する。
   existence ainu exists sir-wentas-u-tuykem-noye
   asserts bugaeva2022
   • bugaeva2022:1.4 asserts checked
5. Except in the case of avalent (0-place) verbs, subject incorporation into intransitive verbs is restricted to the pattern of the affiliative form of a common noun plus a stative intransitive verb.
   0項動詞の場合を除き、自動詞の主語抱合は普通名詞の所属形＋状態動詞（1項動詞）という形に限られる。
   distribution ainu all
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:489 asserts checked
6. The 1-place verbs formed by subject incorporation of an affiliative noun into a stative verb can be used directly as nouns, as seen in the names of plants and animals.
   普通名詞の所属形と状態動詞の主語抱合によってできた1項動詞はそのまま名詞として用いることができ、動植物の名称などに見られる。
   form-function ainu generic
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:489 asserts checked
7. Incorporation of an affiliative-form noun with an intransitive verb is extremely rare, accounting for less than three percent of all noun incorporations.
   名詞所属形と自動詞による抱合の事例は極めて少なく、抱合全体の3%弱程度にすぎない。
   frequency ainu measured
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:226 asserts checked
8. An argument slot can be filled by incorporating an independent noun stem such as sir 'weather, situation' directly into the verb, representing subject incorporation.
   項スロットは、動詞の中に独立性の高い名詞語基（sir「天候、状況」）が直接入って充足されることもあり、これはいわゆる「主語抱合」の事例である。
   existence hokkaido/chitose sir
   asserts sato2023b
   • sato2023b asserts checked
9. Verbs appearing in intransitive subject incorporation in Ainu are generally unaccusative.
   アイヌ語の自動詞主語抱合に現れる動詞は一般に非対格動詞である。
   distribution ainu usually
   reports satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.1 reports checked
10. The major restrictions on incorporated nouns in Ainu are the restriction on subject incorporation and the restriction on specificity.
    アイヌ語の抱合名詞に対する主な制約は、「主語抱合に対する制約」と「特定性に対する制約」である。
    analysis ainu all
    asserts satoni2022
    • satoni2022:16.1 asserts extracted
11. Subject noun incorporation in Ainu is extremely restricted compared to object noun incorporation, accounting for only a small percentage of incorporation tokens.
    アイヌ語における主語名詞抱合は、目的語名詞抱合と比べて極めて限定的であり、抱合全体のわずかな割合しか占めない。
    distribution ainu generic
    asserts satoni2022
    • satoni2022:16.5 asserts anchored
12. Incorporated noun stems in Ainu subject noun incorporation are almost entirely restricted to natural forces or body parts.
    アイヌ語の主語名詞抱合において抱合される名詞語幹は、ほぼ完全に自然力または身体部位に限られる。
    distribution ainu usually
    asserts satoni2022
    • satoni2022:16.5 asserts checked

Natural-force intransitive subject NI 8 claims ·9 sentences· 1 examples

How does Hokkaido Ainu incorporate natural-force nouns as intransitive subjects, and which stems are used?

1. Subject nouns incorporated into intransitive or transitive verbs are restricted to natural phenomena or powers of a similar nature, such as weather, cold, and deities.
   自動詞主語の抱合の場合も他動詞主語の抱合の場合も、抱合される主語名詞は自然現象かそれに近い力を持つもの（天気、寒さ、神など）に限られている。
   distribution ainu all
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:226 asserts checked
2. In the predicate sir-pirka 'the weather is good', incorporation of the noun sir 'weather' is obligatory, with no corresponding unincorporated base clause.
   sir-pirka「天気がよい」において名詞 sir「天気」の抱合は義務的であり、抱合に対応する基底節は存在しない。
   distribution hokkaido/chitose example_only sirsir-pirka
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
3. The complex verb sir-uhuy 'a wildfire breaks out' has its single guaranteed argument slot filled by subject incorporation, becoming an avalent (zero-argument) verb that can no longer take any noun arguments.
   複合動詞 sir-uhuy「山火事が起きる」は、保証された1個の項スロットが主語抱合によって充足され、全体としてこれ以上名詞項を取ることができないゼロ項動詞になる。
   analysis hokkaido/chitose sir-uhuy
   asserts sato2023b
   • sato2023b asserts checked
4. Only two noun stems, sir 'weather, atmosphere' and me 'cold', have been found to occur in intransitive natural force or phenomenon subject incorporation.
   自動詞（自然力・現象）主語抱合において生起することが確認されている名詞語幹は、sir「天気、気象」と me「寒さ」の2つのみである。
   distribution ainu all sirme
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.3 asserts checked
5. Unlike object incorporation, intransitive natural force or phenomenon subject incorporation entirely lacks corresponding phrasal expressions, with the incorporated noun stem never appearing as an independent noun.
   目的語抱合とは異なり、自動詞（自然力・現象）主語抱合には対応する句的表現が全く存在せず、抱合名詞語幹は常に抱合動詞内に現れ、独立した名詞として現れることは決してない。
   absence ainu all
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.3 asserts checked
6. Noun stems for natural forces such as 'weather, atmosphere' or 'cold' are expressed with noun incorporation in most cases in Ainu.
   「天候・大気」や「寒さ」のような自然力を表す名詞語幹は、アイヌ語では大部分の場合、名詞抱合によって表現される。
   distribution ainu usually
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.5 asserts checked
7. The predicate mean 'be cold' can be etymologically analyzed as me 'coldness' plus the existential verb an.
   述語 mean（寒い）は語源的には me（寒さ）と動詞 an（存在する）の組み合わせとして分析できる。
   diachrony ainu example_only meanmean
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990 asserts checked
8. Subjectless meteorological and ambient intransitive expressions can be analyzed as instances of noun incorporation where the subject of an intransitive clause is incorporated into the verb.
   主語を持たない気象や周囲状況の自動詞的表現は、自動詞節の主語が動詞に抱合された名詞抱合の事例として分析できる。
   analysis ainu generic
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990 asserts checked

Possessor-requiring intransitive subject NI and possessor stranding 11 claims ·12 sentences· 1 examples

What is possessor stranding in Hokkaido Ainu, and how does it arise from incorporating body-part or relational nouns?

1. In incorporated verbs such as e-ram-(u)-an / e-ram-u-oka 'understand', formed with the existential verb an / oka and an incorporated possessed noun subject, the number alternation of an / oka agrees with the possessor of the incorporated noun, which functions as the overall subject.
   存在動詞an/okaとその主語にあたる所属形名詞を取り込んで形成されたe-ram-(u)-an/e-ram-u-oka（理解する）のような抱合動詞では、an/okaの交替は全体の主語である取り込まれた名詞の所属者（主格人称接辞）と一致する。
   distribution ainu all haw-e-anhaw-e-okae-ram-u-ane-ram-u-okaanoka
   asserts nakagawa2022
   • nakagawa2022:17.4 asserts checked
2. Except in rare cases, Ainu cannot index person related to an incorporated noun (namely, the person of the possessor) within the same word, with 'possessed form + intransitive verb' compounds being an exceptional pattern where the possessor undergoes nominative agreement.
   アイヌ語ではよくよくの場合を除き、抱合された名詞に関わる人称（所有者の人称）を同じ語の中で表示できず、「所属形＋自動詞」型の動詞が所属形の所有者が主格人称変化するという点でこの原則の例外となる。
   analysis ainu generic
   proposes sato2008
   • sato2008:232 proposes checked
3. In the construction ku-tek-e-pase, the first-person singular prefix ku- is promoted to the subject of the entire clause and is stranded from the possessed noun tek-e 'one's hand'.
   ku-tek-e-pase において、1人称単数接頭辞 ku- は文全体の主語に昇格し、tek-e「手」から遊離している。
   analysis hokkaido/chitose example_only ku-tek-eku-tek-e-pase
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
4. In intransitive possessor-requiring subject incorporation, the possessor of the incorporated noun is always interpreted reflexively as co-referential with the clause subject.
   所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合において、抱合名詞の所有者は常に主語と同一指示的であり再帰的に解釈される。
   distribution hokkaido/chitose all -e
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
5. In intransitive possessor-requiring subject incorporation, the possessor itself is unmarked on the incorporated noun and is interpreted reflexively according to the clausal subject.
   所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合において、抱合名詞上で所有者自体は無標識であり、文の主語に応じて自動的に再帰的に解釈される。
   form-function hokkaido/chitose all tek-e-pase
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
6. In Ainu, stranding noun incorporation is usually avoided.
   アイヌ語において、遊離を伴う名詞抱合は通常回避される。
   frequency ainu usually
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
7. In Ainu, the hardest stranding noun incorporation involving an object that requires a possessor is eventually compensated by quasi-incorporation.
   アイヌ語において、所属形を要求する名詞（目的語）に伴う最も難易度の高い遊離名詞抱合は、最終的に準抱合によって補償される。
   distribution ainu
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
8. Intransitive possessor-requiring subject incorporation belongs to Mithun's (1984) Type II, in which the incorporated noun stem manipulates the grammatical case of an external argument.
   自動詞（所有者要求）主語抱合はミサンの分類におけるタイプIIに属し、抱合名詞語幹が抱合動詞外の要素の文法格を操作する。
   analysis ainu generic
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.3 asserts checked
9. Intransitive possessor-requiring subject incorporation does not cause valency reduction, because the semantic possessor required by the incorporated stem (usually a body part) promotes to become the subject of the resulting verb.
   自動詞（所有者要求）主語抱合では、抱合名詞語幹（通常は身体部位）が要求する意味的所有者が抱合動詞全体の主語へと昇格するため、結果として生じる動詞の価項減少を引き起こさない。
   analysis ainu generic
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.3 asserts checked
10. In possessor-requiring subject noun incorporation, the possessor is not overtly marked on the noun but must semantically be coreferential with the subject of the clause.
    所属要求主語名詞抱合において、所有者は名詞上に明示的には標示されないが、意味的に節の主語と同一指示的（再帰的かつ照応的）でなければならない。
    analysis ainu all tek-e-pase
    asserts satoni2022
    • satoni2022:16.4 asserts checked
11. In Ainu, noun incorporation with possessor stranding is generally avoided, and possessor stranding with an incorporated object is compensated for by quasi-incorporation.
    アイヌ語では所有者残置を伴う名詞抱合は通常回避され、所有者要求型目的語に伴う困難な残置抱合は準抱合によって補償される。
    analysis ainu usually
    asserts satoni2022
    • satoni2022:16.7 asserts checked

Satō's markedness calculus and the systematic gap 6 sentences

How does Satō's markedness calculus rank subject incorporation subtypes, and what systematic gap does it reveal?

The agentivity restriction 3 claims ·8 sentences

Why does Hokkaido Ainu restrict subject incorporation to patient-subjects, and how does this relate to unaccusativity?

1. Both transitive subjects and agentive intransitive subjects are systematically excluded from noun incorporation in Ainu.
   アイヌ語において他動詞主語および動作主的な自動詞主語の双方が名詞抱合から規則的に排除される。
   absence ainu all
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990:62 asserts checked
2. Incorporated nouns in Ainu are generally characterized by a low degree of agentivity rather than by unaccusativity.
   アイヌ語の抱合名詞は、非対格性によってではなく、抱合名詞の「動作主性の低さ」によって一般的に特徴づけられる。
   analysis ainu generic
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.1 asserts checked
3. Intransitive subjects incorporated into verbs in Ainu are semantically patient, occurring mostly in meteorological and ambient expressions, and agent incorporation does not occur.
   アイヌ語で自動詞に抱合される主語は意味的に被動者（患者）であり、大部分が気象や周囲の状況の表現であって、動作主の抱合は生じない。
   distribution ainu all sir-pirkasinnam-ankunneiwa-an
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990:62 asserts checked

Natural-force transitive subject NI 9 claims ·7 sentences· 2 examples

How does Hokkaido Ainu incorporate natural-force nouns as transitive subjects, and in what morphological form must they appear?

1. Incorporation of a transitive subject detransitivizes the verb and promotes the original patient object to subject position.
   他動詞主語の抱合は動詞を自動詞化し、元の動作対象（目的語）を主語位置へと昇格させる。
   analysis ainu
   asserts sato2025a, satoni2022
   • sato2025a asserts extracted
   • satoni2022:16.3 asserts checked
2. Subject incorporation in transitive (2-place) verbs appears to be restricted to subjects expressing natural forces, where the incorporated subject is in the concept form, yielding a 1-place verb.
   他動詞（2項動詞）の主語抱合は主語が自然の力を表すものに限られ、抱合される主語は普通名詞の概念形で、結果として1項動詞になる。
   distribution ainu generic
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:489 asserts checked
3. The grammatical subject of a 1-place verb formed by transitive subject incorporation is the entity affected by the natural force, which corresponds semantically to the object of the base transitive verb.
   他動詞が主語を抱合してできた1項動詞の文法的な主語は、その自然力に影響を受けるもの（もとの他動詞の意味的な目的語）になる。
   form-function ainu all
   asserts nakagawa2024
   • nakagawa2024:489 asserts checked
4. When a transitive verb incorporates its subject, the resulting verb becomes intransitive and takes subjective person affixes to index the semantic patient rather than objective affixes.
   他動詞に主語の抱合が起こると結果として自動詞になるため、目的格人称接辞を取らず、意味上は目的語的であっても主格人称接辞によってのみ人称変化する。
   form-function hokkaido all
   asserts sato2008
   • sato2008:226 asserts checked
5. In traditional Ainu linguistics, píro is analyzed as pir-o 'wound enters', an incorporation of a subject into a transitive verb.
   従来のアイヌ語学の伝統的な解釈では，píro は pir-o「傷・〜に入る」（主語＋他動詞）と分析される。
   analysis generic píropiro
   reports sato2008
   • sato2008 reports checked
6. In the transitive natural-force subject incorporation construction ku-koy-yanke 'I am wave-raised', the subject koy 'wave' of koy en-yanke 'the wave raises me' is incorporated into the verb and the original object is promoted to subject.
   他動詞自然力主語抱合構文 ku-koy-yanke「私は波に打ち上げられる」では、koy en-yanke「波が私を上げる」の主語 koy「波」が動詞に抱合され、元の目的語が主語へと昇格する。
   existence hokkaido/chitose example_only koyen-yankeku-koy-yanke
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
7. Transitive subject noun incorporation clauses like ku-koy-yanke are structurally ambiguous because the incorporated noun can also be interpreted as the direct object.
   ku-koy-yanke のような他動詞主語名詞抱合節は、抱合名詞が直接目的語としても解釈されうるため構造的に多義である。
   analysis hokkaido/chitose generic koyku-koy-yanke
   asserts sato2016
   • sato2016 asserts checked
8. Transitive natural force or phenomenon subject incorporation is attested with only seven noun stems: kamuy 'deity', koy 'wave', me 'cold', nis 'cloud', rera 'wind', rir 'wave', and sukus 'light'.
   他動詞（自然力・現象）主語抱合でこれまでに確認されている名詞語幹は、kamuy「神」、koy「波」、me「寒さ」、nis「雲」、rera「風」、rir「波」、sukus「光」の7つのみである。
   distribution ainu all kamuykoymenisrerarir
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.3 asserts checked
9. Transitive subject noun incorporation in the form of ku-koy-yanke is superficially ambiguous with simple object noun incorporation ('I raised a wave').
   ku-koy-yankeのような他動詞主語名詞抱合は、表面的には単純な目的語名詞抱合（「私が波を立たせた」）と曖昧である。
   analysis ainu example_only ku-koy-yanke
   asserts satoni2022
   • satoni2022:16.5 asserts checked

The ko- applicative inside sir- verbs 2 claims ·9 sentences· 2 examples

How does the ko- applicative function in sir- based meteorological verbs, and what argument structure does it create?

1. The prefix shir- can refer to the earth or ground, as in shir-shimoye 'earthquake' and shir-rupush 'the earth freezes'.
   接頭辞 shir- は「大地」を表し、shir-shimoye「地震」、shir-rupush「大地が凍てつく」などの語を形成する。
   form-function ainu generic shir-shir-shimoyeshir-rupush
   asserts kindaichi1936
   • kindaichi1936 asserts checked
2. Because applicative prefixes cannot attach to nouns, a noun–verb sequence preceded by an applicative prefix serves as a diagnostic of genuine noun incorporation.
   適用接頭辞は名詞に付加しないため、適用接頭辞が先行する「名詞＋動詞」の連鎖は真の名詞抱合であることを示す診断基準となる。
   analysis ainu generic o-tumi-osma
   asserts shibatani1990
   • shibatani1990:62 asserts checked