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Bugaeva & Kobayashi 2022
Bugaeva, Anna & Miki Kobayashi (2022). Verbal valency. Handbook of the Ainu language (HJLL 12), 515–548. De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin & Boston.
db.aynu.org/2022-anna-bugaeva-15-verbal-valency prior-analysis general text held locally OCR handbook-epub: 6 leaves, 6 with a printed page
37chapters citing
113citing sentences
14examples
84statements extracted
77claims with a stance
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The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 9
- 逆受動態接頭辞 i- は、他動詞の目的語として抱合された義務的所有名詞において不特定の所有者標識として機能しうる。
- アイヌ語では主題／被動者目的語だけでなく受領者目的語も逆受動態化されうる。
- アイヌ語の逆受動態は知覚・認知・摂取・相互行為・伝達・身繕い・伝統的活動を表す動詞から派生し、創造・変形・接触衝撃・効果的動作を表す高他動性動詞からは決して派生しない。
- i-による逆受動態は非生産的である。
- i-による逆受動態化は、創造・変形・衝突による接触・実効的動作を表す高他動性動詞からは決して派生されない。
- 接頭辞i-は、被動者・テーマ・受取手項を除去し、2項動詞から1項動詞を派生する逆受動態標識として機能する。
- アイヌ語の逆受動態化では、他動詞主語の人称標示（A）が自動詞主語の人称標示（S）へと変化し、元の目的語は必須として省略される。
- アイヌ語において3項動詞から逆受動態化して2項動詞にする派生は稀であり、逆受動態動詞を適用辞化して再び2項動詞にする方がはるかに一般的である。
- アイヌ語では直接使役から逆受動態を派生することができる。
Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization 1
- 二重適用辞はko-とe-の組み合わせ（ko-e-またはe-ko-）に限られ、ko-が受話者／受取手を、e-が内容を導入し、語順による明らかな差異はない。
The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 4
- 適用接頭辞を動詞に付加すると、動詞の結合価（アリティ）が1つ増加する。
- アイヌ語の適用態は、他動性階層の両極（気象・身体過程・状態変化動詞と効果的動作動詞）を除き、ほぼすべての動詞クラスで許容される。
- アイヌ語には e-, ko-, o- という3つの適用接頭辞が存在する。
- e-ko- および ko-e- による二重適用形が形成されうる。
The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 6
- 生産的な使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te は直接使役と間接使役の双方を派生する。
- アイヌ語の結合価増大使役は、生産的な使役（-re/-e/-te）と非生産的な使役（-V, -ke, -ka）に分類される。
- 主語を抱合した無項の気象動詞は、-re/-e/-te による生産的な使役化を許容しない。
- -ka による非生産的な使役機能は、デフォルトの使役標識である生産的な使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te によって方言横断的に徐々に置き換えられつつある。
- 非生産的な -ke 使役は1項動詞からのみ派生するのに対し、-V, -ka, -re/-e/-te は1項動詞および2項動詞の双方から使役を派生できる。
- 1項動詞 as「立つ」には2種類の使役形が存在し、対象（Theme）主語に対応する直接使役形 as-i（接尾辞 -i）と、動作主主語に対応する間接使役形 as-te（生産的接尾辞 -te）がある。
Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives 3
- 直接使役の被使役者目的語は名詞抱合や逆受動態化を受けることができるが、間接使役の被使役者目的語は受けることができない。
- アイヌ語には、既使役化された他動詞語幹に更なる使役接尾辞を付加する二重使役が存在する。
- アイヌ語において、他動詞（2項動詞）の使役化は二重目的語構文を形成する。
First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 2
- 沙流方言において、1人称複数目的語は接頭辞 un- で標示される。
- 沙流方言において、1項動詞の1人称複数除外の主語は接尾辞 -as で標示されるのに対し、2項または3項動詞の主語は接頭辞 ci- で標示される。
First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=) 2
- 沙流方言において、2人称単数は主語（1項、2項、3項動詞）および目的語の双方で e- によって標示され、2人称複数も主語および目的語の双方で eci- によって標示される。
- 沙流方言において、1人称単数主語は1項・2項・3項動詞を通じて ku- で標示され、1人称単数目的語は en- で標示される。
The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 2
- 沙流方言において、1項動詞の4人称主語は接尾辞 -an で標示されるのに対し、2項・3項動詞の4人称主語は接頭辞 a- で標示される。
- 沙流方言において、4人称の目的語は動詞上で接頭辞 i- によって標示される。
Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question 1
- 動詞接頭辞ci-は中態または目的語結果状態の標識として機能する。
The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar 7
- 不特定使役接尾辞-yar/-arは、被使役者を名詞句や人称標識として明示できないため、基底動詞の結合価を変化させない。
- 協調接頭辞uko-およびuwe-は、相互接頭辞u-と適用接頭辞ko-およびe-の結合に由来し、共時的には結合価を変化させずに「一緒に」という意味を付加する単一の標識として機能する。
- uko-による協調接頭辞派生は、uwe-による派生よりもはるかに頻度が高い。
- 1項動詞からの協調接頭辞派生は専ら主語指向であるのに対し、2項動詞からの派生は文脈に応じて主語指向にも目的語指向にもなりうる。
- 「一緒に」という協調の意味は、相互接頭辞u-と使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teまたは-kaの結合によっても表され、その大部分は自動詞語幹から派生する。
- -yar/-arによる不特定使役は、被使役者を直接言及しないことが好ましい場合に待遇上の理由からしばしば用いられる。
- 不特定使役接尾辞-yar/-arは間接的使役のみを表す。
Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 5
- アイヌ語では、人称と数が動詞接辞によって動詞上に義務的に標示される。
- 人称代名詞や副詞的粒子は動詞の前に置かれうるが、人称代名詞が存在する場合でも動詞には人称接辞が付加される。
- アイヌ語の主語は通常は人称接辞のみで表現され、人称代名詞の使用は主語を意図的に強調する場合に限られる。
- 1項動詞と2/3項動詞は、1人称複数除外と4人称においてのみ異なる人称接辞を取る。
- アイヌ語の3人称はゼロ接辞で表されるため、明示的な人称接辞が現れない場合は3人称と解釈される。
The Reciprocal u- 9
- 準所有相互構文では、抱合された名詞に相互接頭辞 u- が付加され、所有者として機能する。
- 「一緒に」を表す結合価不変の共同態動詞は、相互接頭辞 u- と適用接頭辞 ko- および e- から再分析された接頭辞 uko- および uwe-（ue-）によって形成される。
- 相互接頭辞 u- と使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te または -ka の結合によって形成される共同態は、感情的ニュアンスを伴う。
- 典型的な主語指向の相互動詞は、本来的2項動詞または派生適用詞・使役動詞からu-によって生産的に派生され、常に自動詞化する。
- 相互接頭辞u-は位置名詞、後置詞、副詞、および抱合された身体部位名詞に付加することができる。
- 3項動詞から派生した間接相互動詞は、受取手／受託者目的語を相互化し、テーマ目的語をそのまま保持する。
- アイヌ語には、結合・混合・比較を表す目的語指向の相互動詞が存在し、これらは意味的に複数の目的語または並列名詞句をとる。
- 相互接頭辞u-は、複数の対象を互いに結びつけるという意味を持つ目的語志向の相互形を形成できる。
- uko-およびuwe-による共同態は、複数主語を伴う主語志向か、複数目的語を伴う目的語志向のいずれかになりうる。
The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division 1
- 接頭辞 si- と使役動詞または使役接尾辞の組み合わせは、ふりをする行為（見せかけ）を表す。
The Reflexive yay- 3
- 再帰接頭辞 yay- と si- の区別は、主語が直接手を下して行為を行う「直接的再帰」と、他者の関与や力に依存して間接的に行為を行う「間接的再帰」の対立として分析される。
- 再帰接頭辞yay-とsi-の双方は、第1類位置名詞および抱合された身体部位名詞に所有者として付加することができる。
- アイヌ語には2つの再帰接頭辞、すなわち典型的な直接再帰を表すyay-と間接再帰を表すsi-が存在する。
Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity 18
- アイヌ語の動詞の中には、統語的価項数（項の数）が変化することなく、項の果たす意味役割が交替するものが存在する。
- 2項動詞 us、o、oma、osma、kam-u/kam-pa、seske、kik、pici は空間/場所を項に取り、もう一方の項に複数の意味役割が認められる動詞である。
- アイヌ語の動詞が1項動詞であるか2/3項動詞であるかは、どの人称接辞が付加されるかによって明確に区別される。
- アイヌ語の1項動詞は、動作主、起点/対象（Theme）、または空間/場所を主語として取ることができる。
- 1項動詞 apkas「歩く」や yapkir「投げる」は動作主を主語に取る。
- 1項動詞 makke「開く」や tuy「折れる、切れる」は対象（Theme）を主語に取る。
- 1項動詞 peker「明るい」や hutne「狭い」は空間/場所を主語に取る。
- 1項動詞 as「立つ」は動作主または対象（Theme）のいずれかを主語に取ることができる。
- アイヌ語の3項動詞のほぼすべては、適用辞または使役辞から派生したものである。
- アイヌ語の2項動詞には、項の意味役割に基づき、動作主と対象（Theme）、動作主と空間/場所、対象（Theme）と空間/場所の3つのタイプが認められる。
- 2項動詞 tuy-e「〜を切る」は動作主を主語に、対象（Theme）を目的語に取る。
- 2項動詞 kus「（どこかを）通る」は動作主を主語に、空間/場所を目的語に取る。
- 2項動詞 oma「（どこかに）ある、入っている」は対象（Theme）と空間/場所を項に取る。
- 3項動詞は動作主、対象（Theme）、空間/場所の項を取る。
- 3項動詞の基本形 us-i は「〜を（どこかに）つける」を意味し、動作主、対象（Theme）、空間/場所を項に取る。
- 2項動詞 otke「刺す、突く」は、空間/場所の項に加えて、もう一方の項が動作主として現れる場合と対象（Theme）として現れる場合がある。
- 2項動詞 kuta「ぶちまける、空にする」は、〈動作主と空間/場所〉、〈対象と空間/場所〉、〈動作主と対象〉という3通りの項構造を示す。
- 2項動詞 kus「通る、通り抜ける」は、〈動作主と空間/場所〉または〈対象と空間/場所〉を項として取ることができる。
The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs 1
- 非生産的な使役接尾辞 -V、-ke、-ka は直接使役を表す。
Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 2
- 名詞的接頭辞 e-（頭）および o-（尻）は他動詞に付加されても動詞全体の結合価（アリティ）を減らさない。
- 名詞起源の語彙接頭辞he-（「頭」）およびho-（「尻」）は動詞語幹の直前に現れ、動詞の結合価を1つ減らす。
The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template 1
- 人称接頭辞の前に接頭辞が現れず人称接尾辞の後に接尾辞が現れることはないため、人称接辞は動詞の語境界を判定する指標となる。
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Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 5
- In Ainu, person and number are obligatorily marked on the verb by verbal affixes.アイヌ語では、人称と数が動詞接辞によって動詞上に義務的に標示される。
- Personal pronouns and adverbial particles may precede the verb, but person affixes remain attached to the verb even when an independent personal pronoun is present.人称代名詞や副詞的粒子は動詞の前に置かれうるが、人称代名詞が存在する場合でも動詞には人称接辞が付加される。
- A subject in Ainu is normally expressed by verbal person affixes alone, whereas an overt personal pronoun is used to deliberately stress the subject.アイヌ語の主語は通常は人称接辞のみで表現され、人称代名詞の使用は主語を意図的に強調する場合に限られる。
- Third person in Ainu is expressed by a zero affix, so a verb form without an overt person affix is interpreted as third person.アイヌ語の3人称はゼロ接辞で表されるため、明示的な人称接辞が現れない場合は3人称と解釈される。
- One-argument and two/three-argument verbs take different personal affixes in the first-person plural exclusive and fourth person only.1項動詞と2/3項動詞は、1人称複数除外と4人称においてのみ異なる人称接辞を取る。
The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template 1
- No prefix can precede a person-affix prefix and no suffix can follow a person-affix suffix, making person affixes diagnostic of the verb word boundary.人称接頭辞の前に接頭辞が現れることはなく、人称接尾辞の後に接尾辞が現れることもないため、これらにより動詞の語境界を判定できる。
Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity 18
- Whether an Ainu verb is a 1-argument verb versus a 2- or 3-argument verb is clearly distinguished by which set of subject person affixes attaches to it.アイヌ語の動詞が1項動詞であるか2/3項動詞であるかは、どの人称接辞が付加されるかによって明確に区別される。
- Some Ainu verbs exhibit uncoded alternations in the semantic roles of their arguments without a change in syntactic valency (the number of arguments).アイヌ語の動詞の中には、統語的価項数（項の数）が変化することなく、項の果たす意味役割が交替するものが存在する。
- One-argument verbs in Ainu can take an Agent, a Theme, or a Space/Location as their subject.アイヌ語の1項動詞は、動作主、起点/対象（Theme）、または空間/場所を主語として取ることができる。
- The one-argument verbs apkas 'walk' and yapkir 'throw' take an Agent as their subject.1項動詞 apkas「歩く」や yapkir「投げる」は動作主を主語に取る。
- The one-argument verbs makke 'open' and tuy 'break/get cut' take a Theme as their subject.1項動詞 makke「開く」や tuy「折れる、切れる」は対象（Theme）を主語に取る。
- The one-argument verbs peker 'be bright' and hutne 'be narrow/constricted' take a Space/Location as their subject.1項動詞 peker「明るい」や hutne「狭い」は空間/場所を主語に取る。
- Two-argument verbs in Ainu fall into three types based on argument roles: Agent and Theme, Agent and Space/Location, or Theme and Space/Location.アイヌ語の2項動詞には、項の意味役割に基づき、動作主と対象（Theme）、動作主と空間/場所、対象（Theme）と空間/場所の3つのタイプが認められる。
- The two-argument verb tuy-e 'cut sth/sb' takes an Agent subject and a Theme object.2項動詞 tuy-e「〜を切る」は動作主を主語に、対象（Theme）を目的語に取る。
- The two-argument verb kus 'pass through (somewhere)' takes an Agent subject and a Space/Location object.2項動詞 kus「（どこかを）通る」は動作主を主語に、空間/場所を目的語に取る。
- The two-argument verb oma 'be located (somewhere)' takes a Theme and a Space/Location argument.2項動詞 oma「（どこかに）ある、入っている」は対象（Theme）と空間/場所を項に取る。
- Three-argument verbs take Agent, Theme, and Space/Location arguments.3項動詞は動作主、対象（Theme）、空間/場所の項を取る。
- The one-argument verb as 'stand' can take either an Agent or a Theme as its subject.1項動詞 as「立つ」は動作主または対象（Theme）のいずれかを主語に取ることができる。
- The three-argument base verb us-i means 'attach sth to (somewhere)' and takes Agent, Theme, and Space/Location arguments.3項動詞の基本形 us-i は「〜を（どこかに）つける」を意味し、動作主、対象（Theme）、空間/場所を項に取る。
- The two-argument verb otke 'poke, stick into' allows its non-spatial argument to be realized either as an Agent or as a Theme alongside a Space/Location argument.2項動詞 otke「刺す、突く」は、空間/場所の項に加えて、もう一方の項が動作主として現れる場合と対象（Theme）として現れる場合がある。
- The two-argument verb kuta 'empty out' exhibits three argument structures: Agent and Space/Location, Theme and Space/Location, and Agent and Theme.2項動詞 kuta「ぶちまける、空にする」は、〈動作主と空間/場所〉、〈対象と空間/場所〉、〈動作主と対象〉という3通りの項構造を示す。
- The two-argument verb kus 'pass through' can take an Agent and a Space/Location argument, or a Theme and a Space/Location argument.2項動詞 kus「通る、通り抜ける」は、〈動作主と空間/場所〉または〈対象と空間/場所〉を項として取ることができる。
- The two-argument verbs us, o, oma, osma, kam-u/kam-pa, seske, kik, and pici take Space/Location as an argument and allow their other argument to alternate among multiple semantic roles.2項動詞 us、o、oma、osma、kam-u/kam-pa、seske、kik、pici は空間/場所を項に取り、もう一方の項に複数の意味役割が認められる動詞である。
- Almost all 3-argument verbs in Ainu are derived either from applicatives or causatives.アイヌ語の3項動詞のほぼすべては、適用辞または使役辞から派生したものである。
First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 2
- In the Saru dialect, the first-person plural exclusive subject of a 1-argument verb is marked by the suffix -as, whereas the subject of a 2-argument or 3-argument verb is marked by the prefix ci-.沙流方言において、1項動詞の1人称複数除外の主語は接尾辞 -as で標示されるのに対し、2項または3項動詞の主語は接頭辞 ci- で標示される。
- In the Saru dialect, first-person plural object is marked by the prefix un-.沙流方言において、1人称複数目的語は接頭辞 un- で標示される。
The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 2
- In the Saru dialect, the fourth-person subject of a 1-argument verb is marked by the suffix -an, whereas the fourth-person subject of a 2- or 3-argument verb is marked by the prefix a-.沙流方言において、1項動詞の4人称主語は接尾辞 -an で標示されるのに対し、2項・3項動詞の4人称主語は接頭辞 a- で標示される。
- In the Saru dialect, the fourth-person object is marked on the verb by the prefix i-.沙流方言において、4人称の目的語は動詞上で接頭辞 i- によって標示される。
First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=) 2
- In the Saru dialect, second-person singular is marked by e- for both subjects (1-, 2-, and 3-argument verbs) and objects, and second-person plural is marked by eci- for both subjects and objects.沙流方言において、2人称単数は主語（1項、2項、3項動詞）および目的語の双方で e- によって標示され、2人称複数も主語および目的語の双方で eci- によって標示される。
- In the Saru dialect, first-person singular subject is marked by ku- across 1-argument, 2-argument, and 3-argument verbs, and first-person singular object is marked by en-.沙流方言において、1人称単数主語は1項・2項・3項動詞を通じて ku- で標示され、1人称単数目的語は en- で標示される。
The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 6
- For the one-argument verb as 'stand', two causative forms exist: direct causative as-i (with suffix -i) corresponding to a Theme subject, and indirect causative as-te (with productive suffix -te) corresponding to an Agent subject.1項動詞 as「立つ」には2種類の使役形が存在し、対象（Theme）主語に対応する直接使役形 as-i（接尾辞 -i）と、動作主主語に対応する間接使役形 as-te（生産的接尾辞 -te）がある。
- The productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te functions as a marker of both indirect and direct causation.生産的な使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teは、間接使役と直接使役の双方の標識として機能する。
- Ainu has productive causatives marked by -re/-e/-te and non-productive causatives marked by -V, -ke, and -ka.アイヌ語には生産的な使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teと、非生産的な使役接尾辞-V、-ke、-kaが存在する。
- Cross-dialectal comparison indicates that the causative function of -ka is gradually being replaced by the productive causative -re/-e/-te as a default marker of both indirect and direct causation.方言間比較によれば、-kaの使役機能は生産的な使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teに徐々に取って代わられ、後者が間接的使役と直接的使役の双方を表すデフォルト標識となっている。
- Zero-argument meteorological verbs do not allow productive causativization with -re/-e/-te and are generally resistant to valency alternations.0項の気象動詞は-re/-e/-teによる生産的な使役化を許容せず、一般に結合価交替を受け付けない。
- Non-productive causatives in -ke derive only from 1-argument verbs, whereas -V, -ka, and -re/-e/-te can derive causatives from both 1-argument and 2-argument verbs.非生産的な-ke使役動詞は1項動詞からのみ派生するのに対し、-V、-ka、および-re/-e/-teは1項動詞と2項動詞の双方から使役動詞を派生できる。
The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 4
- Double applicatives can be formed with e-ko- and ko-e-.e-ko- および ko-e- による二重適用形が形成されうる。
- Ainu has three applicative prefixes: e- ('regarding', 'by', 'at'), ko- ('with respect to', 'together with'), and o- ('in', 'toward').アイヌ語には3つの結合価増加接頭辞（適用辞）e-（〜に関して、〜によって、〜で）、ko-（〜に対して、〜と共に）、o-（〜の中で、〜へ）が存在する。
- Adding an applicative prefix increases the valency of the verb by one.適用接頭辞を付加すると、動詞の結合価が1つ増加する。
- Applicatives in Ainu are allowed with almost all verb classes except meteorological, bodily process, and change of state verbs at one edge, and effective action verbs at the other.アイヌ語の適用辞は、一方の極にある気象動詞・身体過程動詞・状態変化動詞、もう一方の極にある効果的動作動詞を除き、ほぼすべての動詞クラスに許容される。
The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs 1
- The unproductive causative suffixes -V, -ke, and -ka mark direct causation only.非生産的な使役接尾辞-V、-ke、-kaは直接使役のみを表す。
Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives 5
- Causatives can be derived from two-argument verbs, resulting in a double-object construction.使役形は2項動詞から派生でき、二重目的語構文を生じさせる。
- Double causatives occur in Ainu.アイヌ語には二重使役が存在する。
- Direct causatives formed from transitive verbs yield a double-object construction in Ainu.他動詞から派生した直接使役動詞は、アイヌ語において二重目的語構文を形成する。
- Ainu permits double causatives, in which a causative suffix is added to an already causativized transitive verb stem.アイヌ語では、既使役化された他動詞語幹に更なる使役接尾辞を付加する二重使役が許容される。
- Direct causee objects can undergo noun incorporation and antipassivization in Ainu, but indirect causee objects cannot.アイヌ語では直接使役の被使役者目的語は名詞抱合や逆受動態化を受けることができるが、間接使役の被使役者目的語は受けることができない。
The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 11
- Antipassives can be formed from direct causatives in Ainu.アイヌ語では直接使役から逆受動態を派生することができる。
- Antipassives in i- are unproductive.i-による逆受動態は非生産的である。
- Antipassive formation with i- never applies to highly transitive verbs of creation, transformation, contact by impact, or effective action.i-による逆受動態化は、創造・変形・衝突による接触・実効的動作を表す高他動性動詞からは決して派生されない。
- Not only theme objects but also recipient objects can be antipassivized in Ainu.アイヌ語では主題目的語だけでなく受領者目的語も逆受動態化されうる。
- The antipassive prefix i- can function as an unspecified possessor marker on obligatorily possessed nouns incorporated as objects of transitive verbs.逆受動接頭辞i-は、他動詞の目的語として抱合された義務的所有名詞において不特定の所有者標識として機能しうる。
- The prefix i- functions as an antipassive marker that eliminates a Patient, Theme, or Recipient argument and derives a 1-argument verb from a 2-argument verb.接頭辞i-は、被動者・テーマ・受取手項を除去し、2項動詞から1項動詞を派生する逆受動態標識として機能する。
- Antipassivization in Ainu changes transitive subject indexing (A) to intransitive subject indexing (S), and the original object is obligatorily omitted.アイヌ語の逆受動態化では、他動詞主語の人称標示（A）が自動詞主語の人称標示（S）へと変化し、元の目的語は必須として省略される。
- Antipassives derived from 3-argument verbs resulting in 2-argument verbs are rare in Ainu, whereas applicativizing an antipassive verb to restore a 2-argument frame is much more common.アイヌ語において3項動詞から逆受動態化して2項動詞にする派生は稀であり、逆受動態動詞を適用辞化して再び2項動詞にする方がはるかに一般的である。
- Ainu permits antipassivization of the Recipient argument as well as the Theme/Patient argument.アイヌ語ではテーマ／被動者項だけでなく、受取手項の逆受動態化も許容される。
- Antipassives in Ainu derive from verbs of perception, cognition, ingesting, interaction, communication, grooming, and traditional activities, but never from highly transitive verbs of creation, transformation, contact by impact, or effective action.アイヌ語の逆受動態は知覚・認知・摂取・相互行為・伝達・身繕い・伝統的活動を表す動詞から派生し、創造・変形・接触衝撃・効果的動作を表す高他動性動詞からは決して派生しない。
- The antipassive prefix i- can serve as an unspecified possessor on obligatorily possessed nouns incorporated as objects of transitive verbs.逆受動態接頭辞i-は、他動詞の目的語として抱合された義務的所有名詞において不特定の所有者として機能することができる。
The Reciprocal u- 10
- In quasi-possessive reciprocals involving noun incorporation of body parts and other nouns, the reciprocal prefix u- functions as a possessor.身体部位名詞などの名詞抱合を伴う「準所有」相互構文では、相互接頭辞u-が所有者として機能する。
- The reciprocal prefix u- can form object-oriented reciprocals with the meaning of joining objects together.相互接頭辞u-は、複数の対象を互いに結びつけるという意味を持つ目的語志向の相互形を形成できる。
- Valency-retaining sociatives meaning 'together' are encoded by prefixes uko- and uwe-, reanalyzed from the reciprocal prefix u- plus applicative prefixes ko- and e-.「一緒に」を意味する結合価不変の共同態は接頭辞uko-およびuwe-によって表され、これらは相互接頭辞u-と適用接頭辞ko-およびe-の結合形から再分析されたものである。
- Sociatives in uko- and uwe- can be either subject-oriented with a plural subject or object-oriented with a plural object.uko-およびuwe-による共同態は、複数主語を伴う主語志向か、複数目的語を伴う目的語志向のいずれかになりうる。
- Sociatives can be formed by combining the reciprocal prefix u- with causative suffixes -re/-e/-te or -ka, carrying an emotive coloring.共同態は相互接頭辞u-と使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teまたは-kaの結合によって形成されることもあり、感情的ニュアンスを伴う。
- Canonical subject-oriented reciprocal verbs are formed productively with u- from inherent 2-argument verbs or derived applicatives and causatives, and are always intransitivizing.典型的な主語指向の相互動詞は、本来的2項動詞または派生適用詞・使役動詞からu-によって生産的に派生され、常に自動詞化する。
- Indirect reciprocals derived from 3-argument verbs reciprocalize the Recipient/Addressee object while leaving the Theme object intact.3項動詞から派生した間接相互動詞は、受取手／受託者目的語を相互化し、テーマ目的語をそのまま保持する。
- Ainu has object-oriented reciprocals denoting joining, mixing, or comparing together, which take semantically plural objects or coordinated noun phrases.アイヌ語には、結合・混合・比較を表す目的語指向の相互動詞が存在し、これらは意味的に複数の目的語または並列名詞句をとる。
- Ainu has quasi-possessive reciprocals that involve incorporating a noun prefixed with the reciprocal marker u- acting as possessor (e.g. u-oruspe-nu 'listen to each other's stories').アイヌ語には、相互接頭辞u-が所有者として付加された名詞を抱合する「準所有」相互構文が存在する（例：u-oruspe-nu「お互いの話を聞く」）。
- The reciprocal prefix u- can attach to locative nouns, postpositions, adverbs, and incorporated body-part nouns.相互接頭辞u-は位置名詞、後置詞、副詞、および抱合された身体部位名詞に付加することができる。
The Reflexive yay- 4
- The indirect reflexive prefix si- overtly encodes dependence on other people, whereas the direct reflexive prefix yay- encodes the absence of such dependence.間接再帰接頭辞si-は他者への依存を明示的に表し、直接再帰接頭辞yay-はそのような依存の不在を表す。
- Ainu has two reflexive prefixes: canonical or direct reflexive yay- and indirect reflexive si-.アイヌ語には2つの再帰接頭辞、すなわち典型的な直接再帰を表すyay-と間接再帰を表すsi-が存在する。
- In contrast to direct reflexive yay- where the subject participates directly, indirect reflexive si- encodes that the subject participates in an action only through the involvement of other people.主語が直接行為に関与する直接再帰yay-に対し、間接再帰si-は主語が他人の関与を通じてのみ行為に関与することを表す。
- Both reflexive prefixes yay- and si- can attach as possessors to category 1 locative nouns and to incorporated body part nouns.再帰接頭辞yay-とsi-の双方は、第1類位置名詞および抱合された身体部位名詞に所有者として付加することができる。
The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar 8
- The indefinite causative in -yar/-ar does not increase valency because the causee cannot be overtly expressed by an NP or indexed on the verb.-yar/-arによる不特定使役は、被使役者を名詞句で明示的に表すことも動詞上で標示することもできないため、価を増やさない。
- The indefinite causative in -yar/-ar is often used for politeness reasons to avoid mentioning the causee directly.-yar/-arによる不特定使役は、被使役者を直接言及しないことが好ましい場合に待遇上の理由からしばしば用いられる。
- The indefinite causative suffix -yar/-ar retains the valency of the base verb because the causee is only implied and cannot be expressed as an overt NP or personal index.不特定使役接尾辞-yar/-arは、被使役者が含意されるのみで名詞句や人称標識として明示できないため、基底動詞の結合価を変化させない（結合価保持的である）。
- The indefinite causative suffix -yar/-ar encodes only indirect causation.不特定使役接尾辞-yar/-arは間接的使役のみを表す。
- The sociative prefixes uko- and uwe- originate from combinations of the reciprocal prefix u- with applicatives ko- and e-, and synchronically function as single valency-retaining markers meaning 'together'.協調接頭辞uko-およびuwe-は、相互接頭辞u-と適用接頭辞ko-およびe-の結合に由来し、共時的には結合価を変化させずに「一緒に」という意味を付加する単一の標識として機能する。
- Sociative derivations with uko- are much more frequent than those with uwe-.uko-による協調接頭辞派生は、uwe-による派生よりもはるかに頻度が高い。
- Sociative derivations from 1-argument verbs are exclusively subject-oriented, whereas those from 2-argument verbs can be either subject- or object-oriented depending on context.1項動詞からの協調接頭辞派生は専ら主語指向であるのに対し、2項動詞からの派生は文脈に応じて主語指向にも目的語指向にもなりうる。
- The sociative meaning 'together' can also be expressed by combining the reciprocal prefix u- with causative suffixes -re/-e/-te or -ka, mostly on intransitive bases.「一緒に」という協調の意味は、相互接頭辞u-と使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teまたは-kaの結合によっても表され、その大部分は自動詞語幹から派生する。
Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization 1
- Double applicatives in Ainu are limited to combinations of ko-e- or e-ko-, with ko- encoding Addressee/Recipient and e- Content, without any visible difference between the two orders.アイヌ語の二重適用辞はko-e-またはe-ko-の組み合わせに限られ、ko-が受託者／受取手を、e-が内容を標示し、語順による明確な差異は見られない。
The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division 1
- The combination of si- with a causative suffix regularly encodes a pretended or simulative action in Ainu.アイヌ語において、si-と使尾辞の組み合わせはふりをする行為（見せかけ）を規則的に表す。
Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 2
- The lexical noun-origin prefixes he- ('head') and ho- ('bottom') attach immediately before the verbal base and reduce verb valency by one.名詞起源の語彙接頭辞he-（「頭」）およびho-（「尻」）は動詞語幹の直前に現れ、動詞の結合価を1つ減らす。
- The affiliative form-like prefixes e- ('head of') and o- ('bottom of') satisfy one argument required by the verb but introduce their own possessor requirement, leaving the overall verbal valency unchanged.所属形様接頭辞e-（「〜の頭」）およびo-（「〜の尻」）は動詞が要求する1つの項を満たすが、同時に自身の所有者を要求するため、動詞全体の結合価を変化させない。
Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question 1
- The verbal prefix ci- functions as a middle or object-resultative marker.動詞接頭辞ci-は中態または目的語結果状態の標識として機能する。
Chapters citing this source
Examples cited from this source
i-ri=an wa or-o wa sini=an na
ANTIP-skin=4.S CONJ place-POSS from rest=4.S FIN
‘I will skin the catch and then rest.’
nea nispa utar u-koyki kor oka siri a=nukar
that rich.man PL RECP-attack while exist.PL appearance 4.A=see
‘I saw those rich men fighting each other.’
a=e=tuy-e-re
4.A=2SG.O=cut-TRVZ-CAUS
‘I made you cut the grapevines.’
ipe-yar=an ro
eat-CAUS=4.S HORT
‘Let's have (them) eat.’
tokaci wa ek pewre kur monrayke e-i-kasuy
Tokachi from come young man work APPL-ANTIP-help
‘A young man who came from Tokachi helped with the work.’
yay-ipe-e-ko-sunke
REFL-food-APPL-APPL-lie
‘eat meagre meals’
tokaci wa ek pewre kur monrayke e-i-kasuy
Tokachi from come young man work APPL-ANTIP-help
‘A young man from Tokachi helped with the work.’
i-ri=an wa or-o wa sini=an na
ANTIP-skin=4.S CONJ place-POSS from rest=4.S FIN
‘I will skin the catch and then rest.’
tokaci wa ek pewre kur monrayke e-i-kasuy
Tokachi from come young man matter APPL-ANTIP-help
‘A young man who came from Tokachi helped with the work.’
aynu ne yay-kar wa kamuy ko-sunke wa an ru-we ne
human COP REFL-make CONJ deity APPL-lie CONJ exist track-POSS COP
‘He had taken on human form and was deceiving the deity.’
nea nispa utar u-koyki kor oka sir-i a=nukar
DEM chief ASS RECP-fight CONJ exist.PL appearance-POSS 4.A=see
‘I saw the chiefs fighting each other.’
u-oruspe-nu=an kor oka=an ayne
RECP-story-hear=4.S CONJ exist.PL=4.S CONJ
‘listening to each other's stories, living on’
kamuy-utar opitta uko-yay-kopuntek
spirit-ASS all RECP.APPL-REFL-rejoice
‘All the spirits rejoiced together.’
kem-ihi ci-car-i uske-he
blood-POSS RES-scatter-POSS place-POSS
‘the place where blood lay scattered’
Sentences of the first edition citing this source
- The Handbook of the Ainu language , which she edited, assembles specialist treatments of every major domain: phonology , verbal valency , dialectology , oral literature , historical and comparative linguistics , and the revitalization movement . no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
- The principal members are , , and , along with morphologically complex forms derived from them ; ; . no page Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy
- Some ordering is fixed by position class, but the valency prefixes and suffixes stack in an order that tracks the order of derivation: a chain such as ruska 'be angry at' → ko-ruska → yay-ko-ruska → i-ruska raises and lowers valence step by step, each affix scoping over the stem already built ; . §4 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
- Nakagawa and Bugaeva and Kobayashi use the numeric labels 0-, 1-, 2-, and 3-argument verb precisely to keep the noun-phrase count apart from the person-affix fact of intransitive versus transitive; Satō, Tamura, and Ijäs keep the traditional intransitive/transitive/ditransitive terms ; ; . §3 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
- Three-place verbs are mostly derived, by the applicative ko- or the causative -re, the one common base-form member being the locative o 'put X into a place' ; . §4 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
- Their syntax and semantics belong to the voice part; in the template the relevant fact is the position each occupies and the direction in which it moves the count ; . §4 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
- A reflexive or reciprocal prefix occupies the object position itself, so a subject index and an object index for the same participant never co-occur , and the antipassive i- absorbs the object of a transitive stem, as in ruska 'be angry at' → i-ruska 'be angry' ; . §4 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
- Ainu has very few bare stems that serve as both intransitive and transitive without overt marking, with roski 'stand' effectively the sole instance, so valence alternation is almost always coded by the derivational positions catalogued above rather than by lability ; . §5 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
- Nakagawa, with Bugaeva and Kobayashi, prefers numeric labels — 0-, 1-, 2-, and 3-argument verb — because the bare-noun-phrase count and the intransitive/transitive person-affix fact do not always line up and are best named separately; Satō, Tamura, and Ijäs retain the traditional terms intransitive, transitive, and ditransitive ; ; . §3 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
- The active/unaccusative cut does resurface, but in derivation and incorporation rather than in the person paradigm, and it does not split the intransitive subject marking . §5 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
- Almost all three-place verbs are derived, by an applicative such as ko- or the causative -re, the chief base-form member being the locative o 'put X into a place' ; . §4.2 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
- The valency-changing operations that feed the calculus — the applicatives, the causatives, the antipassive i-, and the reflexive and reciprocal prefixes — are catalogued in , , , , , and ; ; . §4 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi, after Kobayashi's work on valency, reduce the roles to agent, theme, and space-location, and observe that some intransitives admit either an agent or a theme as their single argument: as 'stand' takes a standing person or a standing tree, whereas apkas 'walk' is agentive only and tuy 'be cut' theme-like only . §5.1.1 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
- The alternation becomes visible in causativization, where a role-flexible intransitive forms two causatives: the direct asi 'stand something up' for the theme reading and the indirect aste 'make someone stand' for the agent reading . §5 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
- The alternation becomes visible under causativization — an agent subject yields the indirect 'make sb stand' formation, a theme subject the direct 'stand sth up' formation . §5 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
- Applicatives e-, ko-, and o- add or promote an object and raise the verb's arity by one; the productive causatives -re, -e, and -te add a causer argument; antipassive i- absorbs the object and yields an intransitive; reflexives yay- / si- and reciprocal u- fill the object slot internally so that a subject and an object of the same person are not both indexed by person affixes ; . §4 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
- Her zero-place, one-place, two-place, and three-place classes correspond to Nakagawa's N-place inventory, Satō's argument-slot count, and the Handbook valency chapter ; ; . §§2–3 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
- The Handbook covers the same ground as verbal valency and voice — the applicatives, the causatives, the reciprocal, the reflexive, the antipassive, the middle, and a set of valency-neutral alternations . §1–5 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- A verb hosts at most two person affixes, one subject and one object, so every operation works under a two-slot ceiling ; . §2 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- Satō’s textbook treats the identical prefix as a derivational i- ‘people, someone’ and uses no antipassive label ; ; ; ‹contested›. §4.2.3 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- Earlier accounts split them by intentionality or by an agentive against a patientive self; Satō’s Chitose analysis, adopted by Nakagawa and the Handbook, separates direct self-involvement, marked by yay-, from indirect involvement or dependence on another participant, marked by si-, so that yay-rayke ‘commit suicide’ stands against si-rayke ‘be ruined by ill fortune’ ; ; ‹contested›. §4.2.2 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- Its readings reach past ‘each other’: u-tures-kor means ‘have a sister, be siblings’ and u-mina-re ‘laugh together’, with no causative-reciprocal sense ; . §4.2.1 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- The middle ci- presents an event from its affected side and yields an intransitive: gives ci-cari ‘be scattered’, with the affected noun as subject, against a=cari, which keeps that noun as the object of a transitive clause with an indefinite agent ; the Handbook glosses this ci- object-resultative . §4.2.4 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- The work of a passive is carried by the fourth, indefinite transitive subject a=, dialectally an=: the agent is defocused while the patient stays the object of a transitive verb, and a demoted agent may appear in an or wa ‘from’ phrase ; . §1 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- The Handbook’s yay-ipe-e-ko-sunke ‘eat meagre meals’ shows the converse, a three-object applicative frame re-intransitivized by incorporating one object and reflexivizing another . §4.1.1 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- The attested form a=e=tuy-e-re 'I made you cut (the grapevines)' — tuy-e 'cut' [vt] with -re added — carries two simultaneous person indexes and is cited by Bugaeva and Kobayashi as evidence that causativization of transitives is both licensed and productive . §4.1.2 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
- Bugaeva's analysis subsumes even these under 'direct causative', treating the entire cluster as a valency-increasing operator set with differing scopes ; . §4.1.2 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
- sir-pirka 'the weather is good' has no causative *sirpirka-re ; . §4.1.2 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
- Bugaeva (2014: 142) characterizes the causee in this frame as an unmarked direct object in a double-object construction, parallel in its coding to a recipient in an applicative-derived ditransitive ; . §4.1.2 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- An Ainu verb carries at most two person affixes — one in the A-set and one in the O-set — the two-slot ceiling described in ; ; . §2 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- This outcome places Ainu causative ditransitives in the secundative column of ditransitive indexing typology (see ): the causee, as derived O, patterns with the O of a monotransitive verb for person-marking purposes, rather than the original patient claiming that slot ; . §4.1.2 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- The antipassive prefix i- can similarly fill the causee slot with a generic object when applied to a causative-derived stem — Bugaeva's examples i-newsar-ka 'amuse people' and i-oripak-ka 'make people feel humble', reported via the Handbook — and forms a related but distinct indefinite-causee strategy ‹corpus-suggested›. §4.2.3 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- The base is a locative verb; is its three-place causative; omare-re is the double causative with four participants . §4.1.2 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi observe that the licensing of double-object frames and double causatives in Ainu is cross-linguistically unusual, most languages blocking iterative morphological causativization ‹corpus-suggested›. §4.1.2 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- The causative sits within a broader combinability system in which two applicatives, two causatives, two incorporated objects, reflexive, and agreement indexes can co-occur on a single verb — surveyed in ; . §4.1.1 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- The two-slot ceiling is the shared operational bound across all combinations ; . §2 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
- The suffix -yar, and its allomorph -ar, introduces a causer as the new subject but suppresses the causee entirely — the party that carries out the caused action is neither expressed as a separate argument nor cross-referenced on the verb, so the net argument count of the derived form equals that of its base ; ; . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- Nakagawa's label for this type is 不定使役 'indefinite causative' ; the Handbook chapter on verbal valency places it among the valency-neutral alternations alongside the sociative uko-/uwe- . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- A causative suffix that leaves argument count unchanged is typologically unusual ; . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- The suffix surfaces as -yar after a vowel or a glide and as -ar after other consonants ; . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- The allomorph -ar would surface on consonant-final bases such as a hypothetical sinot-ar 'have someone play'; the allomorphy is stated in the Handbook but no consonant-final form is attested in the read corpus sources ‹corpus-suggested›. §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- Three semantic characterisations appear in or near the literature, and the sources consulted converge only on the structural valency facts while leaving the label question open ; ‹contested›. §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- The indefinite-causation reading — the causer causes an event but the party who performs it is unspecified (誰にでも 'to whoever') — is the characterisation that Nakagawa and the Handbook share ; . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi note that a host may say ipe-yar=an ro 'let's have the guest eat' rather than naming the guest as a direct causee, producing a softer formulation ; . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- The data for this table come from , , and . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- The distribution reflects lexicalized or semi-lexicalized combinations rather than productive attachment across the verb lexicon . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- The structural facts — arity 0, causee unexpressed, or peka/or un/eun adjunct option for the implied agent — are consistent across the four sources that address the suffix ; ; ; . §4.3.1 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
- In Ainu, object status means appearing as a bare noun phrase in the argument frame of a transitive or ditransitive verb; there is no case marking by which objecthood can be read off the noun itself, so the test is transitivity and the agreement prefix the verb licenses ; . §2 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- Bugaeva calls the Content-adding use of e- the most productive class and 'very typical in its atypicality' precisely because it sits outside the promotional prototype ; . §4.1.1 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi report no visible semantic difference between the two prefix orders in this combination, and Nakagawa gives e-yay-e-isoytak as a further expansion that inserts the reflexive yay- between the two applicatives, treating the whole as one word ; . §4.1.1 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- The arity ceiling on double applicatives follows from the two-person-affix cap: a verb may carry at most one subject index and one object index, so a third applied object is unindexable without compensatory intransitivization ; . §2 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- The Handbook illustrates the compensatory strategy in yay-ipe-e-ko-sunke 'eat meagre meals', where three applied-object positions are successively reduced — one object incorporated (ipe 'food'), one reflexivized (yay-) . §4.1.1 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- The prefixes attach to almost every verb class, with the exception of meteorological, bodily-process, and certain change-of-state verbs at one extreme of the transitivity hierarchy and effective-action verbs at the other . §4.1.1 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- Applicative e- (+1) has two homophonous companions: the affiliative e- 'the head/end of' (arity 0), which fills a part slot on the object while requiring a separate possessor, leaving net arity unchanged; and the second-person subject index e=, a person affix rather than a derivational prefix ; . §4.3.3 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- The modern English term 'applicative' and the object-promotion analysis of e-, ko-, and o- are established in Bugaeva (2006, 2010) and consolidated in the Handbook ; ; . §4.1.1 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
- Three homophonous prefixes occupy the same surface slot and require the arity computation for disambiguation: the applicative e- (+1), the affiliative e- 'head of' (0), which fills a body-part position while retaining its own possessor, and the second-person agent index e= (a person index, effective −1 on the available slots) ; . §4.3.3 The e- Applicative
- In , e- contributes the Content applied object (the stories told) and ko- the Addressee (the person addressed) ; . §4.1.1 The e- Applicative
- The chain built on illustrates eight consecutive derivations: ruska (vt, +2) → ko-ruska (vd, +3; adds a person-target of anger) → yay-ko-ruska (vt, +2; reflexive fills the object slot) → i-ruska (vi, +1; antipassive) → ko-i-ruska (vt, +2; ko- re-applicativizes the antipassivized verb) → si-ko-i-ruska (vi, +1) → i-ruska-re (vt) → ko-i-ruska-re (vd) (citing ). §4.1.1 The ko- Applicative
- When both prefixes appear on the same verb, e- adds its Content or Instrument applied object and ko- adds its Addressee or Recipient applied object; the orders ko-e- and e-ko- are both attested with no reported semantic difference ; . §4.1.1 The ko- Applicative
- Ijäs's VD label captures the three-place output but does not expose the derivational layering; her example sentences are constructed and the morphological decomposition is spelled out here following . §4.1.1 The ko- Applicative
- The practical disambiguation test is the arity read-off: if an intransitive base acquires a prefixal A index after a preceding o--shaped element, the element is the applicative (+1); if the verb is already two-argument in its base form and the o-initial sequence is the whole predicate, the element is the verb root; if arity is unchanged and the associated noun is a possessively construed body-part, the element is the affiliative (0) ; . §2 The o- Applicative
- Up to two applicative prefixes appear on one verb simultaneously, each raising arity by one ; . §4.1.1 Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi report no visible semantic difference between the two orders; in both, e- contributes a Content or Instrument object and ko- an Addressee or Goal ‹contested›. §4.1.1 Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi's second example demonstrates re-intransitivization through stacking: a frame extended by two applicatives is collapsed back to bivalent by incorporating one applied object and reflexivizing the other : §4.1.1 Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
- The primary supporting evidence is morphosyntactic: Ainu marks no case distinction between the base Patient-object and the applied object of a ditransitive — both appear as bare NPs, both are cross-referenced by the single O-index on the verb ; . §4.1.1 Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
- The verb word accommodates at most two person indexes — one A-type and one O-type — so the ceiling on simultaneously indexed participants is two, regardless of how many applicatives stack ; ; . §2 Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
- Antipassive i- reduces a transitive to intransitive by absorbing the object slot with a generic argument; re-adding an applicative restores transitive valency with a new object, which is then accessible to further incorporation or relativization by the same logic as any other applied object ; : §4.2.3 Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
- In Nakagawa's arity calculus the operation is a standard −1 step: a two-place transitive yields a one-place intransitive, and a three-place ditransitive yields a two-place transitive ; . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- Under Nakagawa's position-class template it occupies the same slot as the other valency-decreasing prefixes yay-, si-, and u-, and it combines freely with applicatives outside it and causative suffixes after the stem: ko-i-ruska (APPL-ANTIP-be.angry at), a re-transitivized applicative of the antipassive i-ruska 'be angry', is well-formed, and so is the further reflexivized si-ko-i-ruska . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- The derivational chain ruska (vt) → i-ruska (vi) → ko-i-ruska (vt) → si-ko-i-ruska (vi) → i-ruska-re (vt, 'make sb angry') → ko-i-ruska-re (vd) shows that i- is not a terminal derivation but a mid-chain element and that the arity bookkeeping remains coherent at every step . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- Bugaeva, working from Nakagawa's corpus, identifies 48 verbal lexemes that form antipassive derivatives, concentrated in Perception/Cognition, Ingesting, Interaction, Communication, Grooming, and Traditional-Activity verbs . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- i-ku no longer simply means 'drink something' but specifically 'drink alcohol' — a euphemistic narrowing noted by Nakagawa as 婉曲 (indirect expression) — while i-omante and i-carpa are restricted to ritual contexts ; . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi further report that i- is fossilized residually on the adverb i-mak 'behind' and the particle i-y-os(no) 'afterward, later', where the original Patient-incorporating reading is entirely opaque . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- The discourse motivation for the antipassive parallels what Bugaeva identifies typologically: i- is preferred when discourse focus falls on the Agent or the activity as a whole rather than on a specific, individuated Patient . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- Bugaeva also notes that the prefix can antipassivize a Recipient or a direct Causee, as in i-newsar-ka 'amuse people' and i-oripak-ka 'make people feel humble' — an antipassivization of the causee rare across languages . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- The traditional analysis, associated with Tamura and reported through Bugaeva and Kobayashi, treats i- as a generalised object marker — a derivational prefix introducing an unspecified object 'someone, thing' — without applying the voice category antipassive . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- Bugaeva's antipassive reanalysis argues from three converging criteria that i- meets the typological definition of an antipassive: it systematically demotes the Patient/Theme/Recipient from a core object position; its output always carries an unspecified or generic object reading; and it is discourse-conditioned, appearing precisely where the speaker defocuses the Patient to foreground the Agent or the activity ; . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- The alternation is illustrated by Bugaeva and Kobayashi's minimal pair: nea kamuy a=ri 'I skin that bear' (transitive, specific Patient) versus i-ri=an '(I will) skin the catch' (antipassive, Patient removed from the frame) . §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- The antipassive thus preceded the pronoun ; ‹contested›. §4.2.3 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- The two are therefore the A-perspective and P-perspective members of a single arity layer, and the Handbook glosses the latter object-resultative (RES) where this chapter's analysis uses ANTIP . §4.2.4 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- This extends the picture in and is graded ‹contested› pending systematic corpus verification. §4.2.4 The Antipassive / Detransitive i-
- The prefix fills the object position of a transitive verb with a participant coreferential with the subject, reducing arity by one and converting the base transitive to an intransitive ; . §4.2.2 The Reflexive yay-
- A productive subtype is the quasi-possessive reflexive : where an incorporated body-part noun is interpreted as belonging to the subject, yay- supplies the possessor rather than filling the object slot directly. §4.2.2 The Reflexive yay-
- The functional boundary between yay- and si- has produced several accounts that remain in tension ; ; . §4.2.2 The Reflexive yay-
- ; ; . §4.2.2 The Reflexive yay-
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi add yay-etaye 'draw oneself out (actively)' vs si-etaye 'withdraw, pull oneself back in (in response to something)' . §4.2.2 The Reflexive yay-
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi note that no other reported language encodes the distinction between dependence-on-others vs absence-of-such-dependence through a pair of reflexive prefixes, making the Ainu opposition typologically unusual . §4.2.2 The Reflexive yay-
- On nouns and incorporated nominals, however, si- is REFL.POSS: it marks the noun as belonging to the clause subject, as in si-ram 'one's own heart' ; ; . §4.2.2 The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division
- The Handbook extends the empirical base with two additional minimal pairs: versus — where the latter signals a shedding of human clothes driven by the subject's transformation into bird form, an outward change not self-initiated — and 'draw oneself out' versus 'withdraw, pull back in response to another's approach' . §4.2.2 The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division
- The example cited by the Handbook is 'hold one's nose', where supplies the possessor 'one's own' for the incorporated noun and is thereby intransitivized . §4.2.2 The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division
- The parallel -possessive — 'feed oneself', literally 'do to one's own mouth' — shows that both prefixes can supply the possessor of an incorporated nominal, with the yay-/si- distinction projecting onto the possessive domain in the same way it does onto the reflexive . §4.2.2 The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division
- The derivation chain illustrates the ordering across the arity calculus: the ditransitive ko-i-ruska yields the intransitive si-ko-i-ruska when is prefixed — it absorbs the applicative complex's object slot while remaining to its left ; . §4.1.1 The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division
- The yay-outer / si-inner hierarchy is visible in a single stacked verb form ; . §4.1.1 The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division
- The prefix is a valency-decreasing derivational morpheme with arity −1: it fills the object slot of a transitive verb with a mutual or collective participant, detransitivizing the verb ; . §4.2.1 The Reciprocal u-
- The person-marking diagnostic (the operative test of derived transitivity set out in ) confirms the intransitivization: a verb that takes the prefixal A-indexes a= or ci= shifts to the suffixal S-indexes =an or =as after u- ; . §4.2.1 The Reciprocal u-
- When the Addressee or Recipient of a ditransitive is the argument filled by the mutual relation, the construction is termed indirect reciprocal . §4.2.1 The Reciprocal u-
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi identify five constructional types for u- reciprocals, organized by the nature of the mutual relation and the morphosyntactic base : §4.2.1 The Reciprocal u-
- The quasi-possessive type distributes each participant's possessed noun across the group: u-tek-kisma 'shake hands' (lit. 'shake each other's hand') and u-oruspe-nu are further instances . §4.2.1 The Reciprocal u-
- The participants therefore act upon one another through a relationally possessed entity such as words, stories, strength, or hands ; . §4.2.1 The Reciprocal u-
- In yay-par-oyki and si-etu-uyna, the prefix possesses an incorporated body-part noun . §4.2.2 The Reciprocal u-
- The contrasting sociative reading — 'all do X together' — arises when u- is prefixed to a form already causativized from an intransitive base, so that the net arity is 1 − 1 = 0: , . §4.3.2 The Reciprocal u-
- The prefix extends beyond the verb paradigm to locative nouns, postpositions, and adverbs: , , . §4.2.1 The Reciprocal u-
- The prefixes and are synchronically unitary markers but decompose as u- + ko- and u- + e- respectively ; . §4.3.2 The Reciprocal u-
- The two are partially interchangeable in derivationally transparent forms (uko-yaykopuntek ~ uwe-yaykopuntek 'rejoice together'), but ko-'s comitative and goal-directed semantics give it the advantage where joint orientation toward shared participants is foregrounded . §4.3.2 The Reciprocal u-
- The Handbook glosses the same prefix object-resultative (RES), emphasising the affected argument's endpoint state . §4.2.4 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question
- Under Satō's analysis, adopted by Nakagawa and the Handbook, si- marks the subject's indirect involvement — through another agent, through circumstance, or through a force outside the subject's direct control ; ; . §4.2.2 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question
- Two lexical prefixes of noun origin, he- 'head, tip' and ho- 'base, bottom', also reduce arity by one by filling the object slot with the subject's own body-region ; . §4.2.4 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question
- Bugaeva and Kobayashi group he- and ho- together with the ci- middle under the object-resultative heading, noting that they "function similarly to O-incorporation" — a body-region semantics fills the object slot and makes the verb intransitive . §4.2.4 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question
- The construction is valency-neutral: the verb retains its transitive argument frame, with the indefinite agent filling the A slot and the patient cross-referenced as O ; . §1 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question
- Hokkaido Ainu has no subject-promoting passive ; . §1 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question
- The Handbook labels the a= / an= construction a "valency-neutral impersonal passive" to capture its agent-defocusing function, while recognizing that it lacks subject promotion ‹contested›. §1 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question
- The two-affix ceiling — at most one subject index and one object index on any verb — bounds the system: Object NI uses up the object slot, leaving only the subject slot available ; . §2 Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation
- The prefix ci- is kept separate as MID/RES, because it suppresses the agent/resultatively profiles the affected participant rather than marking self-causation ; . §4.2 Abbreviations and Glossing-Symbol Conventions