Knowledge base · source

Satō 2023

Satō Tomomi 佐藤知己 (2023). アイヌ語の動詞の結合価と3項動詞[Verb valency and three-place verbs in Ainu]. 北方人文研究 16, 37–64.

prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 19 leaves, 0 with a printed page

Claims this source takes a position on

Grouped by topic. The stance is this source's; the other sources that assert, propose, doubt or reject the same claim are listed after it.

Adverbial (Manner) Incorporation and the Property-Verb Question 1

1. Ainu lacks productive adverbial incorporation, and verbal adverbial prefixes are virtually limited to ar- 'completely'.
   アイヌ語には生産的な副詞抱合は見られず、動詞の副詞的接頭辞も ar-「全く」程度に限られる。
   asserts

The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 2

1. The indefinite-object prefix i- derives the intransitive verb i-ruska 'to be angry at something / to be angry' from the transitive verb ruska.
   他動詞 ruska に不定目的語接頭辞 i- が付くことで、自動詞 i-ruska「何かを怒る」が派生される。
   asserts
2. The verb iyomare 'pour sake' is morphologically analyzed as i-y-oma-re, consisting of the three-argument verb omare 'X puts Z into Y' prefixed by the indefinite marker i- 'something'.
   動詞 iyomare「酒を注ぐ」は i-y-oma-re と分析され、「X が Y に Z を入れる」という意味の3項動詞 omare に不定の意味を表す接頭辞 i-「ものを」が付いたものである。
   asserts

The ko- Applicative 2

1. To express a human recipient of pouring sake, the applicative prefix ko- is added to the intransitive iyomare, yielding koyyomare or koyomare.
   酒を注ぐ相手（人間）を表現するためには、自動詞化した iyomare に適用接頭辞 ko- を付加して koyyomare または koyomare とする。
   asserts
2. The applicative prefix ko- derives the ditransitive verb ko-ruska 'to be angry at someone about something' from the transitive verb ruska 'to be angry at someone/something'.
   他動詞 ruska「～を怒る」に適用態接頭辞 ko- が付くことで、複他動詞 ko-ruska「～に対して～を怒る」が派生される。
   asserts

Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order 2

1. In Ainu, personal affixes function as core arguments, whereas independent nouns merely corefer with them and stand outside the verb, reflecting the head-marking character of the language.
   主要部表示型言語であるアイヌ語においては、項として機能するのは人称接辞であり、独立の名詞は相互照応するだけで動詞の外側に位置している。
   asserts
2. In Ainu, verbal argument slots can be satisfied either through person marking (and coreferential independent nouns) or directly inside the verb by an independent nominal root.
   アイヌ語における項スロットの充足方法には、人称表示（および相互照応する自立的名詞）によって充足する方法と、自立的名詞語基によって直接動詞内部に表示して充足する方法の二通りがある。
   asserts

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 2

1. Causative forms combining two personal prefixes such as *en-e-raykere (intended 'he makes me kill you') are unacceptable and unattested in Ainu.
   ＊en-e-raykere（彼が私にお前を殺させる）のように人称接頭辞が2つ重なる使役形式は容認されず、文献資料にも見られない。
   asserts
2. The verb omare 'put into' is a causative formation ('make enter') in which the theme is the direct object (causee).
   動詞 omare「～に入れる」は「～に入らせる」という使役形であり、主題が直接目的語（被使役者）である。
   asserts

Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives 4

1. The form iyomare-an expresses the meaning 'we pour liquor for someone'.
   iyomare-an という形式は「私たちが誰かのために酒を注ぐ」という意味を表す。
   asserts
2. When kore 'give' occurs without a person affix for the theme argument, the theme interpretation is recovered pragmatically via the verb's trivalent frame.
   動詞 kore「与える」が主題に相当する人称接辞を取らない場合でも、動詞が3個の項スロットを持つことにより語用論的含意によって主題が解釈される。
   asserts
3. On the three-argument verb kore 'give', only the recipient is indexed by object personal affixes, and the theme normally cannot be indexed.
   3項動詞 kore「与える」において、目的語として表示される人称は受領者のみであり、通常は主題の人称を表示できない。
   asserts
4. On the three-argument verb omare 'put into', only the moved theme is indexed by object personal affixes, and the locative goal cannot be indexed.
   3項動詞 omare「入れる」において、動詞に表示される目的語の人称は移動する主題であり、移動先の場所を人称表示することはできない。
   asserts

The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses 2

1. The copular verb ne takes transitive subject (A-series) personal markers but never takes object (O-series) markers.
   コピュラ動詞 ne は他動詞主語（A系列）の人称標識を取るが、目的語（O系列）の標識を取ることはない。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2012, bugaeva2015, sato2025a 5 statements
2. When the copula ne incorporates a noun (e.g., inne 'many (people)' < ir-ne), its morphological valency decreases to 1 and the resulting verb undergoes intransitive personal inflection.
   コピュラ動詞 ne が名詞を抱合した場合（例：inne「人数が多い」＜ ir-ne）、形態的結合価は1に減少し、生じた動詞は自動詞の人称変化を行う。
   asserts

Imperative and Prohibitive (Directive Mood) 1

1. The imperative does not take second-person nominative affixes because the argument slot is pragmatically satisfied by imperative modality.
   アイヌ語の命令形が二人称主格接辞を取らないのは、命令というモダリティにより項スロットが語用論的に充足されるためである。
   asserts

Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 2

1. An overt independent subject noun occurs in the clause as an optional element cross-referencing the third-person subject prefix φ- rather than an obligatory argument.
   自立主語名詞は、3人称主格接辞 φ- と相互照応する随意要素として文中に現れており、必須の項ではない。
   asserts
2. A clause consisting of the null third-person subject prefix φ- and a verb is grammatically complete on its own without an independent noun.
   3人称主格接辞 φ- を伴う動詞からなる節は、自立名詞がなくてもそれ自体で文法的に完全である。
   asserts

Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 9

1. In the Iburi dialect recorded by Chiri, the verb form wakka-ta-re-an, incorporating wakka 'water', inflects like a one-argument intransitive verb.
   知里が記録した胆振方言において、wakka「水」を抱合した動詞形式 wakka-ta-re-an は1項動詞（自動詞）の人称変化を行う。
   reports
2. In Kanari's epic texts, the noun-incorporating verb itak-omare inflects as transitive with the prefix a-, as in a-itakomare.
   金成の資料において、名詞抱合動詞 itak-omare は a-itakomare のように接頭辞 a- を伴って明確に他動詞の人称変化を行う。
   asserts
3. In two-argument verbs, argument slots can be filled by combinations of subject and object personal affixes, derivational nominal prefixes like i- 'people', or incorporated nouns like cep 'fish' or me 'cold'.
   2項動詞においても、主格および目的格の人称接辞、派生的名詞接辞 i-「人を」、あるいは cep「魚」や me「寒さ」のような抱合名詞の組み合わせによって項スロットが充足される。
   asserts
4. When a theme noun such as konkane 'gold' is additionally incorporated into u-w-omare, the verb's valence decreases to a one-argument intransitive verb, taking intransitive subject inflection (e.g. konkane-u-w-oma-re-an).
   u-w-omare にさらに名詞語幹 konkane「金」が抱合されると、動詞の結合価は1項減少して1項動詞（自動詞）となり、自動詞の人称活用をとる（例: konkane-u-w-oma-re-an「私達が金を拾い集める」）。
   asserts
5. In Ainu, when a nominal element is added inside a verb, the overall argument count in principle decreases regularly, converting a transitive verb into an intransitive verb.
   アイヌ語では名詞要素が動詞内部に付加されると、原則として全体の項数が規則正しく減少し、他動詞は自動詞に転換する。
   asserts
6. In the incorporated verb hoku-kore 'to give a husband to', it is the theme that is incorporated.
   抱合動詞 hoku-kore「婿を持たせる」では、「主題」が抱合される。
   asserts
7. Although wakka-ta-re incorporates the theme noun wakka 'water' and would structurally be expected to appear as a two-place verb, wakka-ta-re-an 'we make someone dip water' is realized as a one-place verb.
   wakka-ta-re は主題名詞 wakka「水」を抱合しているため2項動詞として現れるはずだが、wakka-ta-re-an「誰かに水を汲ませる」は実際には1項動詞として実現する。
   asserts
8. The verb ta-re is converted into a one-place verb by the noun incorporation of wakka 'water'.
   動詞 ta-re は名詞 wakka「水」の抱合によって1項動詞へと転換される。
   asserts
9. Even when converted into a one-place verb through noun incorporation, the verb's underlying three-place argument-slot structure is retained such that the causee meaning persists with pragmatic implications.
   名詞抱合により1項動詞へと転換された場合でも、項スロットに基づく3項動詞としての性質は残存し、使役対象（causee）の意味は語用論的含意を伴って保持される。
   proposes

Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate 2

1. Noun incorporation in Ainu is simply one means of filling an argument slot, eliminating the need to derive it by syntactic head movement from an independent external noun phrase.
   アイヌ語における名詞抱合は「項スロット」の充足方法の1つに過ぎず、自立語を用いた統語的表現からの主要部移動によって派生させる必要はない。
   asserts
2. An independent noun stem such as upsor 'bosom' can be incorporated into the locative slot of omare 'put into' in place of the nominal prefix u-, leaving the subject and theme slots to be filled by transitive inflection (e.g. kane k-upsor-omare 'I put money into my bosom').
   omare「入れる」の場所のスロットには、名詞的接頭辞 u- の代わりに upsor「ふところ」のような自立語基を抱合することができ、主語と主題のスロットは他動詞活用によって充足される（例: kane k-upsor-omare）。
   asserts

Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding 2

1. The complex verb sir-uhuy 'a wildfire breaks out' has its single guaranteed argument slot filled by subject incorporation, becoming an avalent (zero-argument) verb that can no longer take any noun arguments.
   複合動詞 sir-uhuy「山火事が起きる」は、保証された1個の項スロットが主語抱合によって充足され、全体としてこれ以上名詞項を取ることができないゼロ項動詞になる。
   asserts
2. An argument slot can be filled by incorporating an independent noun stem such as sir 'weather, situation' directly into the verb, representing subject incorporation.
   項スロットは、動詞の中に独立性の高い名詞語基（sir「天候、状況」）が直接入って充足されることもあり、これはいわゆる「主語抱合」の事例である。
   asserts

Object Indexing: Monotransitive and Ditransitive Clauses 2

1. Ditransitive indexing on kore 'give' exhibits a secundative pattern where the recipient is treated as the primary object.
   授与動詞 kore「与える」において、受領者が一次目的語として扱われる secundative パターンが示される。
   asserts
2. In kore 'give', personal affixes index only the agent and the recipient, leaving no slot for person indexing of the theme.
   kore「与える」では人称接辞は動作主と受領者の2項しか標示できず、主題の人称を標示するスロットは存在しない。
   asserts

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 2

1. Personal affixes on the verb can index at most two arguments (subject and object).
   動詞上の人称接辞は最大で2つの項（主語と目的語）までしか標示できない。
   asserts asserts: sato2025a 3 statements
2. In Ainu, only the subject and direct object can be encoded on the verb by person marking, whereas the indirect object cannot be marked.
   アイヌ語では、動詞に人称表示され得るのは主語と直接目的語だけであり、間接目的語は表示されない。
   asserts

The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering 1

1. Ainu verbs may index at most two arguments with personal affixes (one subject and one object).
   アイヌ語の動詞に生起可能な人称接辞は最大2つ（主語と目的語が1つずつ）までに制限されている。
   asserts asserts: sato2025a 2 statements

The Reciprocal u- 3

1. In the verb form u-u-ekarpa-re 'gather', the reciprocal prefix u- is used twice in different positions.
   u-u-ekarpa-re「集まる」では、同じ接頭辞 u-「互いに」が異なる位置で2度用いられている。
   asserts
2. When the reciprocal prefix u- 'mutually' attaches to a three-argument verb like omare 'put into', it fills one argument slot (the location), turning it into a two-argument transitive verb (e.g. a-u-w-omare 'we gather it together').
   3項動詞（例: omare「入れる」）に名詞的接頭辞 u-「互いに」が接合すると、場所の項スロットが1個埋まり、2項動詞（他動詞）となる（例: a-u-w-omare「私達がそれを拾い集める」）。
   asserts
3. In the derived verb u-korpare (reciprocally give and take, where korpare is the plural form of kore), the verb takes nominative and accusative personal affixes, but the accusative affix refers to the transferred theme rather than the recipient.
   派生動詞 u-korpare（互いにやりとりする；korpare は kore の複数形）では主格と目的格の2つの人称接辞を取れるが、目的格は移動の対象となる「物（または人）」を指す。
   asserts

The Reflexive yay- 1

1. The reflexive prefix yay- derives the transitive verb yay-ko-ruska 'to be angry at oneself about something' from the ditransitive verb ko-ruska.
   複他動詞 ko-ruska に再帰接頭辞 yay- が付くことで、他動詞 yay-ko-ruska「自分に対して～を怒る」が派生される。
   asserts

Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 1

1. The verb omare in principle takes a locational noun phrase headed by a locational noun as one of its arguments.
   動詞 omare は原則として位置名詞による場所名詞句を項に取るという制約を持つ。
   asserts

Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity 20

1. A comprehensive account of Ainu verbal valency requires simultaneously distinguishing three separate types of valency: argument slots, general semantic-role valency (M-transitivity), and morphological valency.
   アイヌ語の動詞の結合価を包括的に説明するためには、項スロット、一般的意味役割結合価（M-transitivity）、形態的結合価という3種の異なる結合価を同時に区別して設定する必要がある。
   proposes 2 statements
2. As a rule, Ainu verbs do not exhibit valency fluctuation between intransitive and transitive uses without explicit morphological derivation.
   アイヌ語の動詞では原則として、明示的な形態的派生を伴わずに同一語幹が自動詞と他動詞の間で交替するような結合価の浮動性は見られない。
   asserts asserts: sato2008 2 statements
3. In the ditransitive verb kore 'give', the recipient functions as the direct object.
   複他動詞 kore「与える」においては、受領者が直接目的語として機能する。
   asserts
4. In ditransitive verbs, direct and indirect objects are not morphologically distinguished and there is no special dative form.
   複他動詞において直接目的語と間接目的語は形態論的に区別されず、特別な与格形も存在しない。
   reports
5. In Sakhalin Ainu grammatical description, Murasaki (1979) terms verbs taking two objects 'ditransitive verbs' (v2).
   樺太アイヌ語の文法記述において、村崎（1979）は2つの目的語を取る動詞を「二他動詞（v2）」と呼称している。
   reports
6. In three-argument verbs, the third argument slot can be satisfied by an external argument that is not cross-referenced by personal affixes.
   3項動詞において、人称接辞で動詞上に表示されない第3の項スロットは動詞外の項によって充足されうる。
   asserts
7. In three-argument verbs, both objects cannot be simultaneously indexed on the verb with personal affixes.
   3項動詞において、2つの目的語を動詞上に人称接辞で同時に表示することはできない。
   asserts
8. Three-argument verbs take the same set of person-marking affixes as two-argument transitive verbs.
   3項動詞は項スロットを3つもつものの、2項動詞（他動詞）と同一の人称接辞をとる。
   asserts
9. In the verb kore 'give', person marking normally falls on the recipient, whereas the theme receives no object marking.
   動詞 kore「与える」において、人称接辞は通常受領者を表示し、主題（物）は目的語表示を受けない。
   asserts
10. The causative verb ta-re can be analyzed as a two-place verb inflected according to morphological transitivity.
    使役動詞 ta-re は2項動詞として解釈され、形態論的自他体系に従って活用される。
    proposes
11. In Ainu, instances where a 3-argument verb converts into a 1-argument verb by the addition of a single nominal prefix are extremely rare.
    アイヌ語において、3項動詞が1つの名詞的接頭辞の付加により1項動詞に転換する例は極めて少ない。
    asserts
12. In Ainu three-argument verbs, personal affixes can only fill two of the argument slots, while the existence of the remaining one slot is supported by nominal derivational affixes or nominal roots.
    アイヌ語の3項動詞において人称接辞が入りうるのは2項のみであるが、残りの1項の存在は名詞的派生接辞や名詞語基によって裏付けられている。
    asserts
13. Under the concept of 'argument slot', which includes nominal derivational prefixes and incorporated nominal bases, the maximal valency of Ainu verbs is three.
    名詞派生接頭辞や抱合された名詞基幹をも包含する「項スロット」の概念に従えば、アイヌ語動詞の最大結合価は2ではなく3である。
    asserts
14. The 'argument slot' in Ainu is an abstract, verb-internal lexical property analogous to gender in nouns, rather than a surface morphological slot.
    アイヌ語における「項スロット」は、名詞における文法性（ジェンダー）と同様の、動詞内在的な抽象的性質であり、動詞形態論上の表層位置を意味するものではない。
    asserts
15. Argument slots in Ainu verbs are not inherently endowed with fixed semantic role specifications; rather, the specific function of an argument is determined independently depending on the construction.
    アイヌ語の動詞の「項スロット」そのものには意味役割についての細かな規定は付随しておらず、より詳しい項の機能は事情に応じて独立的に決定される。
    proposes
16. Under Van Valin's framework of M-transitivity, the maximal verbal valency in Ainu is two, consisting of Actor and Undergoer.
    ヴァン・ヴァリンの M-transitivity（意味推移性）の枠組みによれば、アイヌ語の最大動詞結合価は3ではなく2（動作主 Actor と被行為者 Undergoer）である。
    asserts
17. In Ainu verbs, valency itself is almost always fixed and valency fluctuation is extremely rare, arising primarily in the case of three-argument verbs.
    アイヌ語の動詞において動詞の結合価自体はほとんどの場合一定しており、結合価の「ゆれ」は極めて稀であって、問題になるのは主として3項動詞のケースである。
    asserts
18. The form iyomare-an represents an exception to valency shift triggered by pragmatic reasons.
    iyomare-an は語用論的理由による結合価変化の例外例である。
    asserts
19. In Chitose and Saru dialects, the verb iyomare 'pour sake' is treated as a one-argument intransitive verb.
    千歳方言および沙流方言において、動詞 iyomare「酒を注ぐ」は1項動詞（自動詞）として扱われる。
    asserts
20. The verb iyomare takes intransitive person inflection, as shown in i-y-oma-re-an 'we pour sake'.
    動詞 iyomare は i-y-oma-re-an「私達が酒を注ぐ」のように自動詞の人称変化を行う。
    asserts

Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 1

1. The valency of an Ainu verb is inherently fixed for each lexical base, but can be systematically increased or decreased through morphological devices such as affixes.
   アイヌ語の動詞の結合価は各動詞について決まっているが、接辞のような文法的な手段によって規則正しく動詞の結合価を増やしたり減らしたりできる。
   asserts

Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy 1

1. The causative verb ta-re 'X causes Y to draw Z (water)' is a three-argument verb.
   使役動詞 ta-re「X が Y に Z を汲ませる」は3項動詞である。
   asserts

Written Sources: Grammars, Dictionaries, and the Philological Record 1

1. Unless otherwise noted, the Ainu examples in this paper were provided by Shirasawa Nabe and represent the Chitose dialect.
   本稿のアイヌ語の事例は特に断らない限り白沢ナベ氏の教示によるものであり、千歳方言である。
   asserts

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives 4

1. In a sentence like tanpe topenpe ne na. ekasi ku-kore na., although the verb kore cannot take a personal affix corresponding to topenpe 'confectionery', it is understood to refer to it through pragmatic implicature guided by the verb's three argument slots.
   tanpe topenpe ne na. ekasi ku-kore na. のような文では、動詞 kore は topenpe「お菓子」に相当する人称接辞を取れないが、kore が3個の項スロットを持つため、語用論的含意によって「お菓子を」という解釈が導かれる。
   leaf 6 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose koretopenpe
2. With the three-argument verb kore 'give', the object person indexed on the verb is only that of the recipient, and normally the theme person cannot be indexed.
   3項動詞 kore「与える」の場合、動詞に表示される目的語の人称は受領者の人称のみであり、通常は主題の人称は表示できない。
   leaf 8 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kore
3. With the three-argument verb omare 'put into', the object person indexed on the verb is the theme being moved, and the locative destination cannot be indexed for person.
   3項動詞 omare「入れる」の場合、動詞に表示される目的語の人称は移動の対象である主題であり、移動先の場所を人称表示することはできない。
   leaf 8 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu omare
4. The form iyomare-an means 'we pour liquor for someone'.
   iyomare-an という形式は「私たちが誰かのために酒を注ぐ」を意味する。
   leaf 19 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% iyomare-an

Written Sources: Grammars, Dictionaries, and the Philological Record 1

1. Unless otherwise noted, the Ainu examples in this paper were provided by Shirasawa Nabe and represent the Chitose dialect.
   本稿のアイヌ語の事例は特に断らない限り白沢ナベ氏の教示によるものであり、千歳方言である。
   leaf 6 other asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose

Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding 2

1. An argument slot can be filled by incorporating an independent noun stem such as sir 'weather, situation' directly into the verb, representing subject incorporation.
   項スロットは、動詞の中に独立性の高い名詞語基（sir「天候、状況」）が直接入って充足されることもあり、これはいわゆる「主語抱合」の事例である。
   leaf 6 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose sir
2. The complex verb sir-uhuy 'a wildfire breaks out' has its single guaranteed argument slot filled by subject incorporation, becoming an avalent (zero-argument) verb that can no longer take any noun arguments.
   複合動詞 sir-uhuy「山火事が起きる」は、保証された1個の項スロットが主語抱合によって充足され、全体としてこれ以上名詞項を取ることができないゼロ項動詞になる。
   leaf 6 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose sir-uhuy

Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 9

1. In two-argument verbs, argument slots can be filled by combinations of subject and object personal affixes, derivational nominal prefixes like i- 'people', or incorporated nouns like cep 'fish' or me 'cold'.
   2項動詞においても、主格および目的格の人称接辞、派生的名詞接辞 i-「人を」、あるいは cep「魚」や me「寒さ」のような抱合名詞の組み合わせによって項スロットが充足される。
   leaf 7 form-function asserts extracted · anchor 61% hokkaido/chitose i-cepme
2. When a theme noun such as konkane 'gold' is additionally incorporated into u-w-omare, the verb's valence decreases to a one-argument intransitive verb, taking intransitive subject inflection (e.g. konkane-u-w-oma-re-an).
   u-w-omare にさらに名詞語幹 konkane「金」が抱合されると、動詞の結合価は1項減少して1項動詞（自動詞）となり、自動詞の人称活用をとる（例: konkane-u-w-oma-re-an「私達が金を拾い集める」）。
   leaf 8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose konkaneu-w-oma-re-an
3. In the incorporated verb hoku-kore 'to give a husband to', it is the theme that is incorporated.
   抱合動詞 hoku-kore「婿を持たせる」では、「主題」が抱合される。
   leaf 15 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu hoku-kore
4. Although wakka-ta-re incorporates the theme noun wakka 'water' and would structurally be expected to appear as a two-place verb, wakka-ta-re-an 'we make someone dip water' is realized as a one-place verb.
   wakka-ta-re は主題名詞 wakka「水」を抱合しているため2項動詞として現れるはずだが、wakka-ta-re-an「誰かに水を汲ませる」は実際には1項動詞として実現する。
   leaf 18 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu wakka-ta-re-anwakkata-re
5. In the Iburi dialect recorded by Chiri, the verb form wakka-ta-re-an, incorporating wakka 'water', inflects like a one-argument intransitive verb.
   知里が記録した胆振方言において、wakka「水」を抱合した動詞形式 wakka-ta-re-an は1項動詞（自動詞）の人称変化を行う。
   leaf 12 variation reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/horobetsu wakka-ta-re-anwakka
6. In Kanari's epic texts, the noun-incorporating verb itak-omare inflects as transitive with the prefix a-, as in a-itakomare.
   金成の資料において、名詞抱合動詞 itak-omare は a-itakomare のように接頭辞 a- を伴って明確に他動詞の人称変化を行う。
   leaf 14 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/horobetsu itak-omarea-itakomarea-
7. The verb ta-re is converted into a one-place verb by the noun incorporation of wakka 'water'.
   動詞 ta-re は名詞 wakka「水」の抱合によって1項動詞へと転換される。
   leaf 19 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ta-rewakka
8. Even when converted into a one-place verb through noun incorporation, the verb's underlying three-place argument-slot structure is retained such that the causee meaning persists with pragmatic implications.
   名詞抱合により1項動詞へと転換された場合でも、項スロットに基づく3項動詞としての性質は残存し、使役対象（causee）の意味は語用論的含意を伴って保持される。
   leaf 19 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% ta-re
9. In Ainu, when a nominal element is added inside a verb, the overall argument count in principle decreases regularly, converting a transitive verb into an intransitive verb.
   アイヌ語では名詞要素が動詞内部に付加されると、原則として全体の項数が規則正しく減少し、他動詞は自動詞に転換する。
   leaf 9 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate 2

1. Noun incorporation in Ainu is simply one means of filling an argument slot, eliminating the need to derive it by syntactic head movement from an independent external noun phrase.
   アイヌ語における名詞抱合は「項スロット」の充足方法の1つに過ぎず、自立語を用いた統語的表現からの主要部移動によって派生させる必要はない。
   leaf 7 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido
2. An independent noun stem such as upsor 'bosom' can be incorporated into the locative slot of omare 'put into' in place of the nominal prefix u-, leaving the subject and theme slots to be filled by transitive inflection (e.g. kane k-upsor-omare 'I put money into my bosom').
   omare「入れる」の場所のスロットには、名詞的接頭辞 u- の代わりに upsor「ふところ」のような自立語基を抱合することができ、主語と主題のスロットは他動詞活用によって充足される（例: kane k-upsor-omare）。
   leaf 8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose upsoromare

Adverbial (Manner) Incorporation and the Property-Verb Question 1

1. Unlike languages with productive adverbial incorporation such as Koryak, Ainu does not exhibit productive adverbial incorporation, and verbal adverbial prefixes are virtually limited to ar- 'completely', which does not combine productively with every verb.
   コリャーク語のように副詞抱合が生産的な言語とは異なり、アイヌ語には生産的な副詞抱合は見られず、動詞の副詞的接頭辞も ar-「全く」程度であり、どの動詞にも生産的に接合するわけではない。
   leaf 8 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ar-

Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity 21

1. In three-argument verbs in Ainu, it is impossible to index both objects simultaneously on the verb with personal affixes.
   アイヌ語の3項動詞において、2つの目的語を両方とも動詞に人称表示することは不可能である。
   leaf 7 absence asserts checked · anchor 91% ainu
2. In the ditransitive verb kore 'give', the recipient functions as the direct object.
   複他動詞 kore「与える」においては、受領者が直接目的語である。
   leaf 2 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kore
3. In ditransitive verbs, direct and indirect objects are not morphologically distinguished, and there is no special dative form.
   複他動詞において、「与格」と呼べるような特別な形はなく、直接目的語と間接目的語は形態的に区別されない。
   leaf 2 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. For Sakhalin Ainu, Murasaki (1979) uses the term 'ditransitive verb' (二他動詞 v2) for verbs that can take two objects.
   樺太方言について、村崎（1979）は目的語を2つ取ることができる動詞に対して「二他動詞 v2」という用語を用いている。
   leaf 4 terminology reports checked · anchor 100% sakhalin
5. In Ainu, instances where a 3-argument verb converts into a 1-argument verb by the addition of a single nominal prefix are extremely rare.
   アイヌ語において、3項動詞が1つの名詞的接頭辞の付加により1項動詞に転換する例は極めて少ない。
   leaf 4 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
6. Unlike languages where valence fluctuates between intransitive and transitive uses of the same stem, Ainu verbs in principle do not exhibit valence fluctuation.
   同一動詞が自動詞・他動詞双方で用いられる言語とは異なり、アイヌ語の動詞では原則として結合価の浮動性は見られない。
   leaf 5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
7. In Ainu 3-argument verbs, the third argument slot can be satisfied by an argument located outside the verb that is not cross-referenced by personal affixes.
   アイヌ語の3項動詞において、人称接辞に依拠しないもう1つの項スロットは、動詞の外側に位置し人称接辞と相互照応していなくても項スロットを充足する役割を果たす。
   leaf 5 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
8. In the Ainu verb kore 'to give', person marking normally falls on the recipient, while the theme does not receive object marking.
   アイヌ語の動詞 kore「与える」において、通常、人称表示を受けるのは受領者であり、主題は目的語表示されない。
   leaf 15 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kore
9. Argument slots in Ainu verbs are not inherently endowed with fixed semantic role specifications; rather, the specific function of an argument is determined independently depending on the construction.
   アイヌ語の動詞の「項スロット」そのものには意味役割についての細かな規定は付随しておらず、より詳しい項の機能は事情に応じて独立的に決定される。
   leaf 15 analysis proposes checked · anchor 89% ainu
10. A comprehensive understanding of Ainu verbal valency requires simultaneously positing three distinct types of valency: argument slots, M-transitivity (general semantic-role valency), and morphological valency.
    アイヌ語の動詞の結合価の総合的理解には、項スロットと並んで「一般的意味役割結合価 M-transitivity」「形態的結合価」という合計三つの結合価を同時に考慮する必要がある。
    leaf 15 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu
11. Under the concept of 'argument slot', which includes nominal derivational prefixes and incorporated nominal bases, the maximal valency of Ainu verbs is three.
    名詞派生接頭辞や抱合された名詞基幹をも包含する「項スロット」の概念に従えば、アイヌ語動詞の最大結合価は2ではなく3である。
    leaf 18 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
12. The 'argument slot' in Ainu is an abstract, verb-internal lexical property analogous to gender in nouns, rather than a surface morphological slot.
    アイヌ語における「項スロット」は、名詞における文法性（ジェンダー）と同様の、動詞内在的な抽象的性質であり、動詞形態論上の表層位置を意味するものではない。
    leaf 18 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
13. Under Van Valin's framework of M-transitivity, the maximal verbal valency in Ainu is two, consisting of Actor and Undergoer.
    ヴァン・ヴァリンの M-transitivity（意味推移性）の枠組みによれば、アイヌ語の最大動詞結合価は3ではなく2（動作主 Actor と被行為者 Undergoer）である。
    leaf 18 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
14. Although three-argument verbs possess three argument slots, they take the same person-marking affixes as two-argument verbs.
    3項動詞は項スロットとしては3項という性質を持つが、動詞になされる人称表示には2項動詞の場合と同じものが用いられる。
    leaf 12 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
15. In Chitose and Saru dialects, the verb iyomare 'pour sake' is treated as a one-argument intransitive verb.
    千歳方言および沙流方言において、動詞 iyomare「酒を注ぐ」は1項動詞（自動詞）として扱われる。
    leaf 13 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/saru iyomare
16. The verb iyomare takes intransitive person inflection, as shown in i-y-oma-re-an 'we pour sake'.
    動詞 iyomare は i-y-oma-re-an「私達が酒を注ぐ」のように自動詞の人称変化を行う。
    leaf 13 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu i-y-oma-re-an
17. The causative verb ta-re can be interpreted as a two-place verb and inflected according to morphological transitivity.
    使役動詞 ta-re は2項動詞として解釈され、形態的自動詞・他動詞体系に従って活用される。
    leaf 19 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% ta-re
18. The form iyomare-an represents an exception to valency shift triggered by pragmatic reasons.
    iyomare-an は語用論的理由による結合価変化の例外例である。
    leaf 19 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% iyomare-an
19. In Ainu three-argument verbs, personal affixes can only fill two of the argument slots, while the existence of the remaining one slot is supported by nominal derivational affixes or nominal roots.
    アイヌ語の3項動詞において人称接辞が入りうるのは2項のみであるが、残りの1項の存在は名詞的派生接辞や名詞語基によって裏付けられている。
    leaf 9 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
20. Satō proposes that explaining Ainu verbal valency requires simultaneously positing three distinct types of valency: argument slots, generalized semantic role valency (M-transitivity), and morphological valency.
    アイヌ語の動詞の結合価の説明には、項スロット、一般的意味役割結合価（M-transitivity）、形態的結合価という3種の異なる結合価を同時に別々に設定する必要がある。
    leaf 9 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu
21. In Ainu verbs, valency itself is almost always fixed and valency fluctuation is extremely rare, arising primarily in the case of three-argument verbs.
    アイヌ語の動詞において動詞の結合価自体はほとんどの場合一定しており、結合価の「ゆれ」は極めて稀であって、問題になるのは主として3項動詞のケースである。
    leaf 11 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Reciprocal u- 3

1. When the reciprocal prefix u- 'mutually' attaches to a three-argument verb like omare 'put into', it fills one argument slot (the location), turning it into a two-argument transitive verb (e.g. a-u-w-omare 'we gather it together').
   3項動詞（例: omare「入れる」）に名詞的接頭辞 u-「互いに」が接合すると、場所の項スロットが1個埋まり、2項動詞（他動詞）となる（例: a-u-w-omare「私達がそれを拾い集める」）。
   leaf 8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose u-omare
2. In the derived verb u-korpare (reciprocally give and take, where korpare is the plural form of kore), the verb takes nominative and accusative personal affixes, but the accusative affix refers to the transferred theme rather than the recipient.
   派生動詞 u-korpare（互いにやりとりする；korpare は kore の複数形）では主格と目的格の2つの人称接辞を取れるが、目的格は移動の対象となる「物（または人）」を指す。
   leaf 4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu u-korparekorparekore
3. In the verb form u-u-ekarpa-re 'gather', the reciprocal prefix u- is used twice in different positions.
   u-u-ekarpa-re「集まる」では、同じ接頭辞 u-「互いに」が異なる位置で2度用いられている。
   leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu u-u-ekarpa-reu-

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 2

1. The verb omare 'put into' is a causative formation ('make enter') in which the theme is the direct object (causee).
   動詞 omare「～に入れる」は「～に入らせる」という使役形であり、主題が直接目的語（被使役者）である。
   leaf 2 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu omare
2. Causative forms combining two personal prefixes such as *en-e-raykere (intended 'he makes me kill you') are unacceptable and unattested in Ainu.
   ＊en-e-raykere（彼が私にお前を殺させる）のように人称接頭辞が2つ重なる使役形式は容認されず、文献資料にも見られない。
   leaf 3 judgement asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu *en-e-raykere

The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering 1

1. On an Ainu verb, personal affixes may index at most two arguments.
   アイヌ語の動詞においては、人称表示は2項までしか許容されない。
   leaf 3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The ko- Applicative 2

1. The applicative prefix ko- derives the ditransitive verb ko-ruska 'to be angry at someone about something' from the transitive verb ruska 'to be angry at someone/something'.
   他動詞 ruska「～を怒る」に適用態接頭辞 ko- が付くことで、複他動詞 ko-ruska「～に対して～を怒る」が派生される。
   leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ruskako-ruskako-
2. To express a human recipient of pouring sake, the applicative prefix ko- is added to the intransitive iyomare, yielding koyyomare or koyomare.
   酒を注ぐ相手（人間）を表現するためには、自動詞化した iyomare に適用接頭辞 ko- を付加して koyyomare または koyomare とする。
   leaf 14 form-function asserts anchored · anchor 100% ainu ko-koyyomarekoyomareiyomare

The Reflexive yay- 1

1. The reflexive prefix yay- derives the transitive verb yay-ko-ruska 'to be angry at oneself about something' from the ditransitive verb ko-ruska.
   複他動詞 ko-ruska に再帰接頭辞 yay- が付くことで、他動詞 yay-ko-ruska「自分に対して～を怒る」が派生される。
   leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ko-ruskayay-ko-ruskayay-

The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 2

1. The indefinite-object prefix i- derives the intransitive verb i-ruska 'to be angry at something / to be angry' from the transitive verb ruska.
   他動詞 ruska に不定目的語接頭辞 i- が付くことで、自動詞 i-ruska「何かを怒る」が派生される。
   leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ruskai-ruskai-
2. The verb iyomare 'pour sake' is morphologically analyzed as i-y-oma-re, consisting of the three-argument verb omare 'X puts Z into Y' prefixed by the indefinite marker i- 'something'.
   動詞 iyomare「酒を注ぐ」は i-y-oma-re と分析され、「X が Y に Z を入れる」という意味の3項動詞 omare に不定の意味を表す接頭辞 i-「ものを」が付いたものである。
   leaf 13 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu iyomarei-y-oma-reomarei-

Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 1

1. The valency of an Ainu verb is inherently fixed for each lexical base, but can be systematically increased or decreased through morphological devices such as affixes.
   アイヌ語の動詞の結合価は各動詞について決まっているが、接辞のような文法的な手段によって規則正しく動詞の結合価を増やしたり減らしたりできる。
   leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Object Indexing: Monotransitive and Ditransitive Clauses 2

1. With respect to kore 'give', Ainu basically exhibits a secundative pattern where the recipient is treated as the undergoer/patient.
   アイヌ語は kore「与える」に関しては、基本的には受領者が受動者の扱いを受ける secundative なパターンを示す。
   leaf 4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kore
2. In kore 'give', only two arguments can be indexed by personal affixes (nominative agent and accusative undergoer), and the accusative personal affix is restricted to the recipient role, leaving no slot for person indexing of the theme.
   kore「～が～に～を与える」では、人称接辞は主格（行為者）と目的格（受動者）の2項表示しか許されず、目的格人称接辞の意味役割は受領者しか許されず、主題の人称が表示されるスロットはない。
   leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kore

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 3

1. In Ainu, personal affixes index at most two arguments (subject and object).
   アイヌ語では人称表示は主語と目的語の2項までしか表示されない。
   leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. In Ainu, only the subject and direct object can be encoded on the verb by person marking, whereas the indirect object cannot be marked.
   アイヌ語では、動詞に人称表示され得るのは主語と直接目的語だけであり、間接目的語は表示されない。
   leaf 18 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. Ainu verbs can mark at most two personal affixes, expressing the nominative and objective arguments.
   アイヌ語の動詞には主格と目的格の2個のみしか人称接辞を表示できない。
   leaf 14 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 2

1. A clause consisting of the null third-person subject prefix φ- with uhuy 'burn', as in φ-uhuy kor φ-an 'it is burning', is grammatically complete on its own.
   3人称主格接辞 φ- を伴う uhuy「焼ける」（例：φ-uhuy kor φ-an「それが焼けている」）は、自立名詞がなくても文法的に完全な文である。
   leaf 5 judgement asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu uhuykoran
2. An overt independent subject noun, such as cise 'house' in cise φ-uhuy kor φ-an, occurs in the clause as an optional element cross-referencing the third-person subject prefix φ-.
   cise φ-uhuy kor φ-an における主語の cise「家」は、3人称主格接辞 φ- と相互照応する随意要素として文中に出現しており、必須要素ではない。
   leaf 5 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ciseuhuy

Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy 1

1. The causative verb ta-re 'X causes Y to draw Z (water)' is a three-argument verb.
   使役動詞 ta-re「X が Y に Z を汲ませる」は3項動詞である。
   leaf 12 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ta-re

Imperative and Prohibitive (Directive Mood) 1

1. In Ainu imperative forms, second-person nominative person affixes are in principle not taken, as the argument slot is pragmatically satisfied by the imperative modality.
   アイヌ語の命令形は、平叙文と異なり、原則2人称主格接辞を取らないが、これは命令というモダリティ的要因により項スロットが語用論的に充足されるためである。
   leaf 12 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 1

1. The verb omare in principle takes a locational noun phrase headed by a locational noun as one of its arguments.
   動詞 omare は原則として位置名詞による場所名詞句を項に取るという制約を持つ。
   leaf 14 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu omare

Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order 2

1. In Ainu, personal affixes function as core arguments, whereas independent nouns merely corefer with them and stand outside the verb, reflecting the head-marking character of the language.
   主要部表示型言語であるアイヌ語においては、項として機能するのは人称接辞であり、独立の名詞は相互照応するだけで動詞の外側に位置している。
   leaf 9 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. In Ainu, verbal argument slots can be satisfied either through person marking (and coreferential independent nouns) or directly inside the verb by an independent nominal root.
   アイヌ語における項スロットの充足方法には、人称表示（および相互照応する自立的名詞）によって充足する方法と、自立的名詞語基によって直接動詞内部に表示して充足する方法の二通りがある。
   leaf 10 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses 2

1. The Ainu copular verb ne 'be' takes transitive personal inflection but only takes subject personal affixes, never taking object personal affixes.
   アイヌ語のコピュラ動詞 ne「～である」は他動詞の人称変化を行うにもかかわらず、主格人称接辞だけを取り、目的格人称接辞を取ることがない。
   leaf 11 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ne
2. When the copula ne incorporates a noun (e.g., inne 'many (people)' < ir-ne), its morphological valency decreases to 1 and the resulting verb undergoes intransitive personal inflection.
   コピュラ動詞 ne が名詞を抱合した場合（例：inne「人数が多い」＜ ir-ne）、形態的結合価は1に減少し、生じた動詞は自動詞の人称変化を行う。
   leaf 11 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu neinneir-ne

Chapters citing this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. The principal members are , , and , along with morphologically complex forms derived from them ; ; . no page Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy
2. Satō describes the language as head-marking in the sense of , with the verb bearing the central information about which arguments fill its valence frame; external noun phrases may be absent, freely ordered, or arranged for discourse, while the indexes on the verb do the ordinary work of tracking who acts on whom . 42 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
3. Some ordering is fixed by position class, but the valency prefixes and suffixes stack in an order that tracks the order of derivation: a chain such as ruska 'be angry at' → ko-ruska → yay-ko-ruska → i-ruska raises and lowers valence step by step, each affix scoping over the stem already built ; . 40 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
4. A three-place verb such as kore 'give' takes a subject and two bare objects, all omissible, yet only two participants can be indexed on the verb — the two-index cap holds even where the clause has three arguments ; . 39 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
5. When a non-third person is indexed it is the human recipient that the object affix tracks, a secundative pattern taken up in . 41 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
6. Satō argues that a single arity value fails for the copula, for auxiliaries, and for ditransitives, and replaces it with three simultaneous layers — an invariant argument-slot count, a macrorole valency in the sense of that the person affixes index, and the morphological valency of the derived word — while flagging his own scheme as something still to be justified ; ‹contested›. 42–52 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
7. Nakagawa assigns the third person no overt affix and no arity value, so that the calculus balances; Satō holds that a zero third-person affix is needed to explain the two-index cap and the impossibility of certain three-participant combinations ; ; ‹contested›. 39 The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
8. That image renders head-marking in the sense of and matches Satō's argument-slot account of the same fact . 42–46 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
9. The verb word indexes at most one subject and one object — the two-index cap — even where a clause has more arguments than that, a limit that becomes load-bearing for three-place verbs and for the debates of the final section . 39 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
10. The third is morphological valency, the intransitive or transitive behaviour of the final form . 42–52 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
11. This derives the excluded *en=ne from a principle . 52 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
12. Satō notes that his own scheme is complex and remains to be justified ‹contested›. 61 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
13. Nakagawa's arity excludes any third-person affix, while Satō holds that a zero third-person affix is required to explain why a verb cannot host three person indexes — why, for instance, *en-e-raykere 'he makes me kill you' is impossible, the two overt affixes having already filled the cap with no room for the third-person causer ; ; ‹contested›. 39 Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
14. Nakagawa's arity calculus counts person indexes, derivational prefixes, noun incorporation, and base verbs in a single computation; Satō separates argument slots, macrorole transitivity, and morphological valence, using ne as a central case where two argument slots coexist with only one indexable macrorole ; ‹contested›. 42–52 Light Verbs, Pro-Verbs, and the Auxiliary-Verb Construction
15. Satō's three-valency analysis accounts for the pattern by separating the two-place predicate relation from indexable macroroles: the predicate nominal is a complement of the copular relation, while only the subject is available for person indexing ‹contested›. 52 Light Verbs, Pro-Verbs, and the Auxiliary-Verb Construction
16. Satō accepts the same head-marking premise but separates three simultaneously active valency dimensions: an invariant argument-slot count, macrorole transitivity, and the morphological class of the derived form; the copula and three-place verbs motivate the split . 42–61 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
17. Lexicalized denominal compounds such as nispa a=ne 'I am a master' and inne 'be numerous' (< ir-ne) follow the same transitive-prefix pattern ‹contested›. 52 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
18. The derivational chain that Satō documents on the base illustrates the regularity of the full valency system: applicative ko- raises the base to a three-place verb (ko-ruska); reflexive yay- reduces it (yay-ko-ruska); antipassive i- yields a one-place intransitive (i-ruska); applicative ko- re-applies (ko-i-ruska); and causative -re raises that in turn (i-ruska-re, ko-i-ruska-re, and further) ‹consensus›. 40 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
19. Her "pockets" image — person markers fill positions on the verb itself before and more obligatorily than free noun phrases — is a learner-facing rendering of head-marking, and is especially close to Satō's argument-slot language . 42–51 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
20. Third person is segmentally zero in all attested forms, and her explicit Ø- notation is descriptively harmless; the theoretical status of that zero is nonetheless disputed, with Nakagawa treating it as the absence of an affix and Satō positing a zero third-person affix to preserve the two-index cap ; ; ‹contested›. 39 Denominal and Deverbal Verb Derivation
21. Whether the blank reflects a zero affix or the absence of any third-person exponent is disputed: Satō argues that a zero third-person affix is required by the cap of two indexes per verb and by the ungrammaticality of three-index combinations, against an analysis that recognises no third-person affix at all ; ; ‹contested›. 39, 47 Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms
22. With verbs such as kore ‘give’ the object index falls on the human recipient while the theme stays a bare noun phrase, a secundative pattern that Satō takes as further evidence for a zero third-person affix; Nakagawa describes the same three-place verbs through valence, with two bare object phrases and neither obligatorily indexed when both are third person ; ; ; ‹contested›. 39, 47 Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms
23. Subject and object indexes precede the stem in transitives, while the intransitive S forms =as and =an follow it; derivational material — applicatives, causatives, the reflexive, the reciprocal, the antipassive i-, and the stem-forming plural -pa — sits closer to the root, and a reflexive or reciprocal fills the object slot rather than co-occurring with an object index for the same participant ; ; . 40 Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms
24. It indexes a first-person singular participant in the O role: the patient of a monotransitive verb or, with three-place verbs such as kore 'give' and epakasnu 'teach', the human recipient rather than the theme ; ; ; . 47 First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=)
25. A finite verb carries at most one subject index and one object index; a third argument — such as the theme in a ditransitive clause — is never additionally person-indexed and surfaces as a bare noun phrase ; . 39, 47 Object Indexing: Monotransitive and Ditransitive Clauses
26. Nakagawa treats third person as lacking an affix; Satō argues that a zero third-person affix must be posited to sustain the two-index cap — the ungrammaticality of sequences such as *Ø=en=e=kore 'one makes me give you' follows if both subject and object slots are already occupied by zero, blocking a third index ; ; ‹contested›. 39 Object Indexing: Monotransitive and Ditransitive Clauses
27. The outer number layer is relevant here because it supplies an ordering diagnostic for the right edge: material that follows a fully person-inflected form belongs outside the personal-affix template, even where earlier descriptions treated comparable segments as person markers ; ; . 39–40 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
28. Valency morphology derives a transitive or intransitive base from the root, and the personal indexes appear outside that derived base, indexing its arguments ; ; . 40 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
29. A causativised intransitive, for example, yields a derived stem to which the right-edge person suffix then attaches: the personal layer is outside the valency layer in both directions ; . 40 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
30. When both are third person, neither is indexed and both surface as bare noun phrases ; . 39, 47 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
31. Satō analyses this as a secundative pattern, treating the recipient as the selected undergoer of the indexing slot; Nakagawa frames the same verbs as three-place predicates with two bare object phrases that may occur in varying word order, and neither obligatorily indexed when both are third person ; ; ; ‹contested›. 40, 47 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
32. Satō uses this two-index restriction to argue that a zero third-person index must be posited in the paradigm, so that the cap is stateable uniformly, in disagreement with Nakagawa's earlier position that third person has no affix ; ; ‹contested›. 39 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
33. The zero-marking of third-person transitive arguments in her examples is factually accurate but theoretically neutral: it is compatible with Nakagawa's position that there is no third-person affix and with Satō's posit of a zero index required by the two-index ceiling ; ; ‹contested›. 39 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
34. In ditransitives such as kore 'give', plural morphology can co-occur with the ordinary object-indexing pattern in which the object affix tracks the human recipient while the theme remains an unindexed bare noun phrase ; . 39, 47 Person–Number Interactions and Plural Agreement
35. Applicatives and causatives add object positions, moving a predicate from intransitive to transitive class ; . 40 The Split-Intransitive (Active–Stative) Core
36. Her Lesson 2 states that intransitive verbs take one argument and Lesson 3 that transitives take two; these arity classes align with Nakagawa's zero/one/two/three-place distinctions and Satō's valence discussion ; ; . 37–47 The Split-Intransitive (Active–Stative) Core
37. That dispute affects the model of the zero row but produces no active/stative split among the overt S forms ; ; ‹contested›. 39, 47 The Split-Intransitive (Active–Stative) Core
38. Satō argues for a zero third-person affix, required to account for the cap of two personal indexes per verb and the ungrammaticality of three-index combinations in causative and ditransitive configurations ; . 39 Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate
39. Satō argues that the object index in three-place verbs such as kore 'give' ordinarily identifies the human recipient while the theme stays unindexed — a secundative pattern in the indexing slot ; . 40, 47 Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate
40. A verb hosts at most two person affixes, one subject and one object, so every operation works under a two-slot ceiling ; . 39 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
41. An Ainu verb carries at most two person affixes — one in the A-set and one in the O-set — the two-slot ceiling described in ; ; . no page Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
42. This outcome places Ainu causative ditransitives in the secundative column of ditransitive indexing typology (see ): the causee, as derived O, patterns with the O of a monotransitive verb for person-marking purposes, rather than the original patient claiming that slot ; . no page Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
43. The two-slot ceiling is the shared operational bound across all combinations ; . no page Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
44. The arity ceiling on double applicatives follows from the two-person-affix cap: a verb may carry at most one subject index and one object index, so a third applied object is unindexable without compensatory intransitivization ; . 39 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
45. The chain built on illustrates eight consecutive derivations: ruska (vt, +2) → ko-ruska (vd, +3; adds a person-target of anger) → yay-ko-ruska (vt, +2; reflexive fills the object slot) → i-ruska (vi, +1; antipassive) → ko-i-ruska (vt, +2; ko- re-applicativizes the antipassivized verb) → si-ko-i-ruska (vi, +1) → i-ruska-re (vt) → ko-i-ruska-re (vd) (citing ). 40 The ko- Applicative
46. The verb word accommodates at most two person indexes — one A-type and one O-type — so the ceiling on simultaneously indexed participants is two, regardless of how many applicatives stack ; ; . 39 Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
47. The derivational chain through demonstrates the calculus across further steps: ruska (vt) → ko-ruska (vd, 'be angry toward') → yay-ko-ruska (vt, 'be angry at oneself') → i-ruska (vi, 'be angry', object defocused) — each step changes arity by exactly one unit ; ‹consensus›. 40 The Reflexive yay-
48. The two-affix ceiling — at most one subject index and one object index on any verb — bounds the system: Object NI uses up the object slot, leaving only the subject slot available ; . 39 Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation