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Satō 2016
Satō Tomomi 佐藤知己 (2016). A classification of the types of noun incorporation in Ainu and its implications for morphosyntactic typology. Crosslinguistics and linguistic crossings in Northeast Asia (Studia Orientalia 117), Helsinki.
db.aynu.org/2016-sato-tomomi-a-classification-of-the-types-of-noun-incorporation-in-ainu-and-its-implications-for-morphosyntactic-typology prior-analysis general text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 8 leaves, 0 with a printed page
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Adverbial (Manner) Incorporation and the Property-Verb Question 1
- アイヌ語は一般に副詞的名詞抱合を許容しない。
Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 1
- 所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合構文 ku-tek-e-pase「私の手が重い（＝年をとった気がする）」において、接尾辞 -e は本来名詞の所属形接尾辞であるが、ここでは所有者を文の主語として加える機能を果たしている。
Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 1
- アイヌ語において動詞とその目的語の間に副詞句を自由に挿入することはできない。
First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=) 1
- 1人称単数／複数目的語接頭辞 i- の使用は口承文芸に制限される。
Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 7
- 主語が抱合名詞の所有者と同一指示でないため、所有者要求名詞の目的語名詞抱合形 *a-i-par-oyki（他人に口に何かされる／食べさせてもらう）は非文法的である。
- ka opas（助ける）や ka oyki（世話をする）などの慣用的な目的語＋動詞句は、文法的には句を成すが意味論的には語彙単位である疑似抱合単位として機能する。
- アイヌ語では所有者要求名詞の目的語抱合は許容されず、疑似抱合によって代行される。
- アイヌ語千歳方言における名詞抱合は、目的語抱合（85.9％）、自動詞の自然力・自然現象主語抱合（6.8％）、自動詞の所属形を要する主語抱合（5.6％）、他動詞の自然力・自然現象主語抱合（1.7％）の4主要タイプに分類される。
- アイヌ語の名詞抱合には頻度に基づく接近可能性階層が存在し、目的語名詞抱合 ＞ 自然力名詞自動詞主語名詞抱合 ＞ 所有者要求名詞自動詞主語名詞抱合 ＞ 自然力名詞他動詞主語名詞抱合 の順となる。
- 所有者要求名詞の本来的な「目的語」名詞抱合はアイヌ語には生起しない。
- 目的語名詞 turep「オオウバユリ」は動詞 ta「掘る」に抱合され、抱合動詞幹 turep-ta を形成することができる。
Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding 8
- sir-pirka「天気がよい」において名詞 sir「天気」の抱合は義務的であり、抱合に対応する基底節は存在しない。
- ku-tek-e-pase において、1人称単数接頭辞 ku- は文全体の主語に昇格し、tek-e「手」から遊離している。
- 所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合において、抱合名詞の所有者は常に主語と同一指示的であり再帰的に解釈される。
- 所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合において、抱合名詞上で所有者自体は無標識であり、文の主語に応じて自動的に再帰的に解釈される。
- アイヌ語において、遊離を伴う名詞抱合は通常回避される。
- アイヌ語において、所属形を要求する名詞（目的語）に伴う最も難易度の高い遊離名詞抱合は、最終的に準抱合によって補償される。
- 他動詞自然力主語抱合構文 ku-koy-yanke「私は波に打ち上げられる」では、koy en-yanke「波が私を上げる」の主語 koy「波」が動詞に抱合され、元の目的語が主語へと昇格する。
- ku-koy-yanke のような他動詞主語名詞抱合節は、抱合名詞が直接目的語としても解釈されうるため構造的に多義である。
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Adverbial (Manner) Incorporation and the Property-Verb Question 1
- Ainu generally does not allow adverbial noun incorporation.アイヌ語は一般に副詞的名詞抱合を許容しない。
Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding 8
- In Ainu, stranding noun incorporation is usually avoided.アイヌ語において、遊離を伴う名詞抱合は通常回避される。
- In Ainu, the hardest stranding noun incorporation involving an object that requires a possessor is eventually compensated by quasi-incorporation.アイヌ語において、所属形を要求する名詞（目的語）に伴う最も難易度の高い遊離名詞抱合は、最終的に準抱合によって補償される。
- In the predicate sir-pirka 'the weather is good', incorporation of the noun sir 'weather' is obligatory, with no corresponding unincorporated base clause.sir-pirka「天気がよい」において名詞 sir「天気」の抱合は義務的であり、抱合に対応する基底節は存在しない。
- In the transitive natural-force subject incorporation construction ku-koy-yanke 'I am wave-raised', the subject koy 'wave' of koy en-yanke 'the wave raises me' is incorporated into the verb and the original object is promoted to subject.他動詞自然力主語抱合構文 ku-koy-yanke「私は波に打ち上げられる」では、koy en-yanke「波が私を上げる」の主語 koy「波」が動詞に抱合され、元の目的語が主語へと昇格する。
- In the construction ku-tek-e-pase, the first-person singular prefix ku- is promoted to the subject of the entire clause and is stranded from the possessed noun tek-e 'one's hand'.ku-tek-e-pase において、1人称単数接頭辞 ku- は文全体の主語に昇格し、tek-e「手」から遊離している。
- Transitive subject noun incorporation clauses like ku-koy-yanke are structurally ambiguous because the incorporated noun can also be interpreted as the direct object.ku-koy-yanke のような他動詞主語名詞抱合節は、抱合名詞が直接目的語としても解釈されうるため構造的に多義である。
- In intransitive possessor-requiring subject incorporation, the possessor of the incorporated noun is always interpreted reflexively as co-referential with the clause subject.所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合において、抱合名詞の所有者は常に主語と同一指示的であり再帰的に解釈される。
- In intransitive possessor-requiring subject incorporation, the possessor itself is unmarked on the incorporated noun and is interpreted reflexively according to the clausal subject.所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合において、抱合名詞上で所有者自体は無標識であり、文の主語に応じて自動的に再帰的に解釈される。
Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 7
- Noun incorporation in the Chitose dialect of Ainu can be classified into four types: object incorporation (85.9%), intransitive natural-force/phenomenon subject incorporation (6.8%), intransitive possessor-requiring subject incorporation (5.6%), and transitive natural-force/phenomenon subject incorporation (1.7%).アイヌ語千歳方言における名詞抱合は、目的語抱合（85.9％）、自動詞の自然力・自然現象主語抱合（6.8％）、自動詞の所属形を要する主語抱合（5.6％）、他動詞の自然力・自然現象主語抱合（1.7％）の4主要タイプに分類される。
- The object noun turep 'wild lily' can be incorporated into the verb ta 'to dig', forming the incorporated verb stem turep-ta.目的語名詞 turep「オオウバユリ」は動詞 ta「掘る」に抱合され、抱合動詞幹 turep-ta を形成することができる。
- Noun incorporation in Ainu exhibits an accessibility hierarchy based on frequency: object NI > natural-force noun intransitive subject NI > possessor-requiring noun intransitive subject NI > natural-force noun transitive subject NI.アイヌ語の名詞抱合には頻度に基づく接近可能性階層が存在し、目的語名詞抱合 ＞ 自然力名詞自動詞主語名詞抱合 ＞ 所有者要求名詞自動詞主語名詞抱合 ＞ 自然力名詞他動詞主語名詞抱合 の順となる。
- A possessor-requiring noun object noun incorporation proper does not occur in Ainu.所有者要求名詞の本来的な「目的語」名詞抱合はアイヌ語には生起しない。
- The possessor-requiring noun object noun incorporation form *a-i-par-oyki ('I am fed by others') is ungrammatical because the subject is not co-referential with the possessor of the incorporated noun.主語が抱合名詞の所有者と同一指示でないため、所有者要求名詞の目的語名詞抱合形 *a-i-par-oyki（他人に口に何かされる／食べさせてもらう）は非文法的である。
- Idiomatic object-plus-verb phrases such as ka opas ('to save') and ka oyki ('to take care of') function as quasi-incorporation units forming a grammatical phrase but a lexical unit semantically.ka opas（助ける）や ka oyki（世話をする）などの慣用的な目的語＋動詞句は、文法的には句を成すが意味論的には語彙単位である疑似抱合単位として機能する。
- Possessor-requiring noun object incorporation is not permitted in Ainu and is substituted by quasi-incorporation.アイヌ語では所有者要求名詞の目的語抱合は許容されず、疑似抱合によって代行される。
Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 1
- In the possessor-requiring intransitive subject incorporation construction ku-tek-e-pase 'I feel as if I had aged' (lit. 'I am my-hands-heavy'), the suffix -e originally marks nominal possession but functions to add the possessor as the clausal subject.所属形を要する自動詞主語抱合構文 ku-tek-e-pase「私の手が重い（＝年をとった気がする）」において、接尾辞 -e は本来名詞の所属形接尾辞であるが、ここでは所有者を文の主語として加える機能を果たしている。
First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=) 1
- The use of the first-person singular/plural object prefix i- is restricted to oral literature.1人称単数／複数目的語接頭辞 i- の使用は口承文芸に制限される。
Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 1
- Adverbials cannot be inserted freely between a verb and its object in Ainu.アイヌ語において動詞とその目的語の間に副詞句を自由に挿入することはできない。
Chapters citing this source
Sentences of the first edition citing this source
- Satō (2016; 2022) provides the fullest typology of Ainu noun incorporation, identifying four types that differ in their effect on verbal valency ; : no page A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
- The alternation is closely related to the productivity of denominal and deverbal derivation: Ainu intransitive verbs freely convert to noun-modifying and compound-forming roots, and transitivisers can reinstate a transitive frame ; . no page Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy
- No read source applies the term "external possession" to Hokkaido Ainu directly; the label "possessor raising" (所有者の主語への昇格) enters the literature with and is restated in ‹contested›. no page External Possession and Possessor Raising
- , following , treats body-part NI possessor-raising as an NI-internal process: the incorporated noun's possessor is promoted to clause subject by virtue of the body-part's relative discourse-salience deficit, and the result is an unaccusative predicate. no page External Possession and Possessor Raising
- Object incorporation is the unmarked, lexical type and the overwhelming majority in Satō’s Chitose count; it answers to Mithun’s Type I compounding ; ; . 83–84 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
- Satō classifies Hokkaido Ainu noun incorporation into four types by the grammatical relation of the incorporated noun to the base verb ; ; . 83–84 Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation
- The distribution below comes from a count of 517 NI tokens in the Chitose-dialect speech of the narrator 白沢ナベ ; . 83–84 Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation
- Its alignment with Mithun's Type I — lexical compounding in which the incorporated noun names a general activity type rather than a specific referent — is consistent with the Chitose data, though the theoretical status of Ainu NI more broadly is a live debate ; ; . 83–84 Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation
- Ainu Object NI groups with Mithun's Type I — lexical compounding in which the incorporated noun names the type of object typically affected rather than a referential argument ; ; . 83–84 Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation
- Where Object NI is blocked — most critically at the possessor-requiring type (impossible because an inflectional possessor makes the incorporated noun specific, and no reflexive rescue is available) — the function passes to quasi-incorporation (QI), a tight phrasal unit that is idiomatic but not yet a single verb word ; . 88–92 Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation
- Satō's Chitose count places subject incorporation at about 14% of all incorporation tokens, divided into three functional subtypes that differ in which noun is incorporated, what happens to the verb's valency, and whether an external possessor must be retained ; . 83–84 Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding
- Because the incorporated noun carries its possessive morphology into the verb word, that possessor must surface as an external argument — the phenomenon Satō terms possessor stranding ; . 87–89 Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding
- Satō formalizes this as a reflexive-interpretation rescue that offsets most of the markedness penalty that stranding would otherwise attract ; . 87–90 Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding
- Satō ranks all incorporation subtypes by a constraint-and-rescue scoring system, where each restriction adds penalty points and each licensing factor subtracts them ; . 88 Subject Incorporation and Possessor-Stranding
- The table records both sets of scores; Satō (2022, §5.7) himself describes them as "tentatively defined" ; . 84–88 Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate
- The absolute values are tentative; the stable result is the rank order and the zero-frequency gap at the bottom ‹corpus-suggested›. 88–89 Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate
- The hierarchy extends Mithun's four-type scale into the QI domain and provides a unified account of why certain noun-verb collocations lexicalize as NI while others lexicalize as QI ; . 88–92 Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate
- The Chitose percentages in § are from one narrator; comparable counts for Saru or Horobetsu are not available because the undecidability of third-person tokens in other narrators' texts makes systematic NI frequency comparison across dialects intractable at present ‹speculative›. 84 Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate
- Satō's analysis, using Role and Reference Grammar, reaches a structurally PAH-like result — person affixes fill the argument positions inside the CORE, NPs sit outside it as optional adjuncts — but within a framework that does not endorse the PAH label, and it explicitly rejects the head-movement analysis of as unable to handle the attested subject incorporation in Ainu (koy-yanke 'the waves wash [me] ashore', where the A argument is incorporated into the verb) ; . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
- Body-part nouns are the primary context for S-type noun incorporation with valency-retaining effect: when a body-part noun is incorporated as the S argument of an intransitive verb, the possessor of that body part surfaces as an added participant rather than being absorbed, so the construction gains a slot rather than losing one ; . no page Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields