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Bugaeva 2014

Bugaeva, Anna ブガエワ・アンナ (2014). アイヌ語使役構文に関する再考察[Reconsidering Causative Constructions in Ainu]. 北方言語研究 [Northern Language Studies] 4, 127–147.

prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 13 leaves, 0 with a printed page

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Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization 1

1. The archaic causative suffix -V shifts accent placement, unlike the productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te which does not shift accent.
   古風な使役接尾辞 -V はアクセントの移動を引き起こすが、生産的な使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te はアクセントを移動させない。
   asserts 2 statements

Adnominal Possession: Double Marking and the Appositive Construction 1

1. The affiliative form of a noun indexes the person and number of the possessor via the A-series (transitive-subject) cross-reference prefixes.
   名詞の所属形には、A（他動詞主語）系列の相互参照接頭辞によって所有者の人称・数が標示される。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2021poss, nakagawa2022pos 3 statements

Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 1

1. When a stem ends in a glide -w or -y, the causative suffix -V surfaces as -e, whereas after other consonants it is often identical to the stem vowel.
   語幹が渡り音-w/-yで終わるとき使役接尾辞-Vは-eとなり、それ以外の子音で終わるときは語幹の母音と同一母音であることが多い。
   reports

Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate 2

1. Free pronouns exhibit a neutral pattern with unmarked A, S, and O, whereas verbal cross-reference affixes show tripartite alignment for exclusive first-person plural and indefinite/fourth person.
   自立代名詞が無標識の中立型格標示を示すのに対し、動詞の相互参照接辞は除外的1人称複数および不定人称／4人称において三分型配列を示す。
   asserts
2. Verbal cross-reference marks first-person singular according to a nominative-accusative pattern and second and third persons according to a neutral pattern.
   動詞の相互参照は、1人称単数において主格・対格型を、2人称および3人称において中立型の配列を示す。
   asserts

The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 3

1. A non-referential or indefinite causee can be backgrounded by the antipassive prefix i-.
   非指示的または不定の被使役者は逆受動接頭辞i-によって背景化されうる。
   asserts
2. In direct causatives formed with -V or -ke, the causee object has especially high affectedness, and unlike in direct causatives with -ka and -re/-e/-te, it cannot undergo antipassivization or noun incorporation.
   接尾辞-Vや-keによる直接使役の場合、被使役者目的語の受影性が特に高いため、-kaおよび-re/-e/-teによる直接使役と異なり、逆受動化や抱合ができない。
   asserts
3. A non-referential or indefinite causee of -ka causatives can be backgrounded by the valence-reducing antipassive prefix i-, in which case the causee cannot be expressed at all.
   -ka使役における非指示的あるいは不定の被使役者は結合価を減少させる逆受動のi-によって背景化され得て、その場合、被使役者を表現することは全くできない。
   asserts

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 30

1. The productive causative suffix is phonologically conditioned as -re after vowels and /y/, -e after /r/, and -te after other consonants.
   生産的使役接尾辞は音韻論的に条件づけられ、母音および /y/ の後で -re、/r/ の後で -e、その他の子音の後で -te となる。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2022, shibatani1990 3 statements
2. The morphological causative suffixes (-re / -e / -te) increase the verb's arity by one, turning the base subject into an object while introducing the causer as the new subject.
   使役接尾辞（-re / -e / -te）は動詞の項結合価を1増やし、元の主語を目的語とし、使役者を新たな主語として導入する。
   asserts asserts: nakagawa2024, shibatani1990 4 statements
3. The productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te derives both direct and indirect causatives.
   生産的な使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te は直接使役と間接使役の双方を派生する。
   asserts asserts: bugaevakobayashi2022 4 statements
4. Morphological causatives in Ainu can express both coercive causation and permissive causation.
   アイヌ語の形態論的使役は、強制使役と許容使役（許可）の双方を表すことができる。
   reportsasserts proposes: sato2008 3 statements
5. In indirect causatives, the causee object never undergoes noun incorporation or antipassivization.
   間接使役において、被使役者目的語は決して名詞抱合や逆受動化を受けない。
   asserts 3 statements
6. In traditional analyses of Ainu grammar, only the productive suffix -re/-e/-te and the indefinite causative -yar/-ar are recognized as causative markers.
   アイヌ語の伝統文法分析では、生産的な接尾辞 -re/-e/-te と不定使役の -yar/-ar のみが使役標識として認められてきた。
   reports reports: bugaeva2012 3 statements
7. Valency-increasing causatives in Ainu are divided into productive causatives (-re/-e/-te) and non-productive causatives (-V, -ke, -ka).
   アイヌ語の結合価増大使役は、生産的な使役（-re/-e/-te）と非生産的な使役（-V, -ke, -ka）に分類される。
   proposes asserts: bugaevakobayashi2022 2 statements
8. Avalent meteorological verbs that have incorporated their subjects reject productive causativization with -re/-e/-te.
   主語を抱合した無項の気象動詞は、-re/-e/-te による生産的な使役化を許容しない。
   asserts asserts: bugaevakobayashi2022 3 statements
9. The non-productive causative function of -ka is gradually being replaced cross-dialectally by the productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te as the default causative marker.
   -ka による非生産的な使役機能は、デフォルトの使役標識である生産的な使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te によって方言横断的に徐々に置き換えられつつある。
   proposes asserts: bugaevakobayashi2022 3 statements
10. Non-productive causatives in -ke derive only from one-argument verbs, whereas -V, -ka, and -re/-e/-te can derive causatives from both one-argument and two-argument verbs.
    非生産的な -ke 使役は1項動詞からのみ派生するのに対し、-V, -ka, -re/-e/-te は1項動詞および2項動詞の双方から使役を派生できる。
    asserts asserts: bugaevakobayashi2022 2 statements
11. In direct causativization of transitive verbs with -re/-e/-te, the original object is retained and the original subject (the causee argument) also becomes an object, resulting in a double-object construction.
    他動詞の-re/-e/-teによる使役化の場合、元の目的語（O）が保たれ、かつ元の主語（被使役者となる項）も目的語（Oc）となって二重目的語構造が作られる。
    asserts
12. In causative clauses based on transitive verbs, omission of the causee object occurs frequently when it is clear from context, but if the original base object is obvious, it is omitted instead.
    他動詞に基づく使役構文では、被使役者目的語が文脈上明らかな場合にその省略がしばしば起こる一方、元の目的語の方が明白であればそちらが省略される。
    asserts
13. Transitive verbs undergoing indirect causativization become trivalent verbs with a double-object structure.
    間接使役化された他動詞は統語的に三項動詞になり、二重目的語構造をとる。
    asserts
14. In Ainu, direct causative verbs formed with unproductive -V, -ke or productive -re/-e/-te can further take -re/-e/-te to express indirect causation, yielding double causative verbs.
    アイヌ語では非生産的な-V, -keや生産的な-re/-e/-teによる直接使役動詞に、さらに-re/-e/-teが付いて間接使役を表すことが可能であり、二重使役動詞を形成する。
    asserts
15. Double causatives in Ainu are expressed in a double-object construction with two unmarked objects.
    アイヌ語の二重使役は、無標の目的語を2つ伴った二重目的語構造で表される。
    asserts
16. In Ainu, double causativization of transitive verbs is possible, yielding four-place verbs, although such verbs are extremely rare.
    アイヌ語では他動詞の二重使役化すら可能であり、その結果四項動詞ができるが、これは非常に稀である。
    asserts
17. In Southwestern Hokkaido dialects, a few intransitive verbs are recorded with both -re/-e/-te and -ka causative derivations without semantic difference.
    北海道南西部方言でも幾つかの自動詞は、意味的に差のない-re/-e/-teと-kaの両方の派生形が記録されている。
    asserts
18. Intransitive verbs from which direct causatives are derived by -re/-e/-te fall into two groups: non-derived intransitive verbs expressing properties or internal states/processes, and derived intransitive verbs (including those diachronically derived).
    -re/-e/-teによって直接使役が派生される自動詞には、性質や内的状態／過程を表す非派生自動詞と、（通時的なものを含めた）派生自動詞の2つのグループがある。
    asserts
19. Derived intransitive verbs that take -re/-e/-te to form direct causatives comprise antipassive verbs with i-, lexicalized reflexive-possessive verbs, and autocausative (body-movement) verbs derived with the prefixes he- 'head' and ho- 'buttocks'.
    -re/-e/-teにより直接使役が派生される派生自動詞には、接頭辞i-による逆受動動詞、語彙化した再帰所有動詞、および接頭辞he-「頭、上部」やho-「尻、末端」により派生された自己使役（身体動作）動詞が含まれる。
    asserts
20. All base transitive verbs that undergo direct causativization with -re/-e/-te have non-agentive subjects.
    -re/-e/-teによって直接使役化される基底の他動詞は、すべて非動作主的な主語を持つ。
    asserts
21. Indirect causatives in Ainu can be derived from transitive verbs as well as agentive intransitive verbs using the suffix -re/-e/-te.
    -re/-e/-teによる間接使役は、他動詞からも動作的自動詞からも派生される。
    asserts
22. According to Fukuda (Tamura) (2001), the suffix -re/-e/-te implies only coercive causation, where the causer makes the causee do something regardless of the causee's volition.
    福田（田村）（2001）によれば、-re/-e/-teは被使役者の意志・意向とは関係なしに使役主が被使役者に何かをさせるという強制使役の意味のみを含意する。
    reports
23. All intransitive verb stems that undergo indirect causativization with -re/-e/-te take animate or agentive subjects.
    -re/-e/-teにより間接使役化される自動詞語基は全て、有生の主語か動作主的な主語をとるものである。
    asserts
24. Indirect causatives with -re/-e/-te can be derived from intransitive verbs formed by object incorporation.
    -re/-e/-teによる間接使役は、他動詞が元の目的語を抱合した派生自動詞からも派生される。
    asserts
25. Depending on whether the undergoer is interpreted as agentive or not, certain verbs causativized with -re/-e/-te can be interpreted as either direct or indirect causatives.
    被動作者を動作主的であると解釈するかそうでないかによって、-re/-e/-teによる直接使役とも間接使役とも解釈されうる動詞がある。
    asserts
26. When the productive causative -re/-e/-te attaches to ingestion verbs, both direct causative and indirect causative interpretations are permitted depending on the semantic properties of the causee.
    摂取動詞に-re/-e/-teが付いた場合は、被使役者ごとの意味特性に合わせて直接使役と間接使役の両解釈が許される。
    asserts
27. In direct causatives with -ka and -re/-e/-te, non-referential direct causees can be backgrounded through noun incorporation or antipassivization.
    -ka及び-re/-e/-teによる直接使役の場合、指示的でない直接被使役者は抱合あるいは逆受動化によって背景化される。
    asserts
28. When the causee of an n-final intransitive motion verb is agentive, the verb can be transitivized into an indirect causative with -re/-e/-te.
    同様のnで終わる移動動詞は被使役者が動作主的である場合には、-re/-e/-teで間接使役化されうる。
    asserts
29. As a direct causative marker, -re/-e/-te is basically in complementary distribution with the causative suffixes -V, -ka, and -ke, and cannot attach to verbs or roots that take them.
    直接使役の標識としての-re/-e/-teは、使役接尾辞-V, -ka, -keの付く動詞や語根には基本的に付加できず、これら4つの標識は相補分布している。
    asserts
30. In verbs that form direct causatives with the unproductive suffixes -V or -ke, the productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te is always interpreted as an indirect causative marker.
    非生産的な接尾辞-V, -keによって直接使役を作る動詞では、生産的使役標識-re/-e/-teは必ず間接使役の標識として解釈される。
    asserts

Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives 5

1. Causative verbs derived from intransitives with -V, -ka, or -ke promote the original S argument to O while introducing a new subject argument A.
   -V、-ka、-ke により自動詞から派生した使役動詞は、元の S 項を O に昇格させ、同時に新しい主語項 A を導入する。
   asserts
2. The suffix -re/-e/-te can attach to all direct causative verbs to function as a secondary indirect causative marker.
   接尾辞 -re/-e/-te は、直接使役を表すすべての動詞に付加して二次的（間接）使役標識として機能することができる。
   asserts
3. In double causatives, two overt objects never appear simultaneously in actual clauses due to the omission of topical noun phrases and avoidance of co-occurring pronouns.
   二重使役構文において、話題の名詞句の省略や代名詞の共起回避により、実際の節中で2つの目的語が同時に現れることはない。
   asserts
4. In causativization of transitive verbs with -V or -ka, the original object is retained and the original subject becomes a causee object, forming a double-object construction.
   -V および -ka による他動詞の使役化では、元の目的語が保持されたまま元の主語が被使役者目的語となり、二重目的語構造を形成する。
   asserts
5. Although causativization of transitive verbs creates double-object constructions, overt expression of both objects simultaneously is avoided, with one typically omitted coreferentially.
   他動詞の使役化は二重目的語構文を作り出すが、両方の目的語を明示的に言い表すことは避けられ、通常いずれか一方が同一指示的に省略される。
   asserts

Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 1

1. Nouns in Ainu distinguish an unmarked free 'concept form' and a bound 'affiliative form' derived by the possessive suffix -(h)V/-VhV.
   名詞には、無標の自由形式である「概念形」と、概念形に所有接尾辞-(h)V/-VhVを付けて派生された拘束形式である「所属形」の区別がある。
   asserts

Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 1

1. All nominal and clausal modifiers precede the element they modify in Ainu.
   アイヌ語において修飾語は全て前置される。
   asserts

Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry 1

1. Hokkaido Ainu has two main dialect divisions: Southwestern Hokkaido (HSW) and Northeastern Hokkaido (HNE).
   北海道アイヌ語には大きく分けて北海道南西部方言（HSW）と北海道北東部方言（HNE）の2つがある。
   asserts

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 1

1. The indefinite/fourth-person verbal cross-reference marker in Ainu has four functions: indefinite person, inclusive first-person plural, polite second person (singular and plural), and logophoric/protagonist person in narratives.
   アイヌ語の不定人称形式（IND）には、(i) 不定人称、(ii) 包括的1人称複数、(iii) 2人称単複の敬称、(iv) 話者指示人称あるいは主人公人称、の4つの機能がある。
   asserts

Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question 1

1. Direct causatives formed with -V can undergo anticausativization with -ke, which deletes the original causer subject.
   -Vによる直接使役は、元の主語を消去する-keによる逆使役化を受けることができる。
   asserts

The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs 1

1. Ainu lacks an independent adjective word class; concepts corresponding to adjectives are expressed by intransitive verbs.
   アイヌ語には独立した形容詞という品詞がなく、形容詞に相当する概念は自動詞によって表される。
   asserts

Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 1

1. Objects that are clear from context are normally omitted, including causee objects in transitive causatives.
   他動詞使役の被使役者目的語を含め、文脈上明らかな目的語は通常省略される。
   asserts

Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 4

1. In causatives of transitive verbs, cases of incorporating both the original object and the causee object are lexicalized.
   他動詞の使役において、元の目的語と被使役者目的語の両方を抱合する例は語彙化している。
   asserts
2. Causative verbs that incorporate a causee object are intransitive verbs.
   被使役者目的語を抱合した使役動詞は自動詞である。
   asserts
3. When objects are not contextually salient in transitive causatives, either the causee, the original object, or both can be incorporated into the verb.
   他動詞使役において目的語が文脈上あまり卓立していない場合、被使役者か元の目的語のいずれか、あるいは両方が動詞に抱合される。
   asserts
4. Direct causatives formed with -V and -ke cannot undergo noun incorporation or antipassivization.
   -V、-keによる直接使役の場合には、抱合や逆受動化を受けることができない。
   asserts

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 1

1. In Ainu, stress falls on the first syllable if it is closed, and on the second syllable if the first syllable is open.
   アイヌ語では、第一音節が閉音節であればそこに強勢が置かれ、第一音節が開音節であれば二番目の音節に強勢が置かれる。
   asserts

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 2

1. Some verbs distinguish singular and plural number via suppletive stems or affixes.
   動詞によっては単数形か複数形かが語幹や接辞によって区別される。
   asserts
2. Direct causatives with -ke cannot be derived from plural forms of motion verbs; instead, productive -re/-e/-te derives both direct and indirect causatives from them.
   複数形の移動動詞からは-keによる直接使役が派生できず、生産的な-re/-e/-teによって直接・間接使役化の両方がなされる。
   asserts

Tenselessness and the Time-Reference System 1

1. Ainu verbs have no pure tense markers.
   アイヌ語の動詞には純粋な時制標識が存在しない。
   asserts asserts: bugaeva2012 2 statements

The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs 11

1. The unproductive causative suffixes -V, -ke, and -ka mark direct causation.
   非生産的な使役接尾辞 -V、-ke、-ka は直接使役を表す。
   asserts asserts: bugaevakobayashi2022 2 statements
2. The less productive transitive derivations in -V, -ke, and -ka may syntactically and functionally be analyzed as causatives.
   非生産的な他動詞派生接尾辞 -V、-ke、-ka は、統語論および機能の観点から使役としても分析できる。
   proposes
3. The transitivizing suffix -ka is more common in Northeastern Hokkaido dialects and Sakhalin Ainu than in Southwestern Hokkaido dialects.
   他動詞化接尾辞 -ka は、北海道南西部方言に比べ、北海道北東部方言および樺太アイヌ語においてより一般的である。
   asserts
4. The non-productive causative markers -V, -ke, and -ka all derive direct causative verbs and form a closed set of 158 items in the 387-verb sample: -V (111), -ka (38), and -ke (9).
   非生産的な使役標識である-V、-ke、-kaは全て直接使役動詞を派生し、387動詞のサンプル中では-V（111個）、-ka（38個）、-ke（9個）という閉じたセットを成す。
   asserts
5. Non-productive -V and -ka derive direct causative verbs from non-action intransitive verbs and from bound verb roots, whereas -ke derives causatives exclusively from intransitive verbs.
   非生産的な-Vと-kaは非動作自動詞および動詞語根から直接使役動詞を派生するのに対し、-keによる派生は全て自動詞からの派生である。
   asserts
6. In derivations from intransitive verbs, the causative suffix -V surfaces as -a, -i, -u, -e, or -o, whereas in derivations from bound roots it surfaces as -i, -u, -e, or -o, with -a not occurring.
   自動詞からの派生では使役接尾辞-Vは-a/-i/-u/-e/-oのいずれかになるが、動詞語根からの派生例では-i/-u/-e/-oになり、-aは現れない。
   asserts
7. The causative suffixes -ka and -ke attach only to stems consisting of two or more syllables.
   使役接尾辞-kaと-keは、二つ以上の音節からなる語幹にしか付かない。
   asserts
8. Causativization of intransitives with -ke derives verbs from (a) state/process verbs, and (b) the singular forms of motion verbs ending in -n.
   -keによる自動詞の使役化には、(a)状態／過程を表す動詞を語基とするものと、(b)-nで終わる移動動詞の単数形から派生されるものとがある。
   asserts
9. There are no examples of causative derivation from transitive verbs using -ke.
   -keによる他動詞からの使役派生の例は存在しない。
   asserts
10. The choice among non-productive causative suffixes -V, -ke, and -ka is largely determined according to the semantics of the base verb: -V attaches to process/state verbs and verb roots, -ka to spontaneous processes/actions or internal states/processes, and -ke to processes/states and verbs of motion.
    非生産的な-V、-ke、-kaのいずれの使役接辞が付くかは動詞の意味に従って決まり、-Vは過程／状態動詞や動詞語幹に、-kaは自発的過程／動作や内的状態／過程動詞に、-keは過程／状態や移動動詞に用いられる。
    asserts
11. In Southwestern Hokkaido dialects, both -re/-e/-te and -ka causative derivations are recorded for several intransitive verbs without any semantic difference.
    北海道南西部方言においても幾つかの自動詞で、意味的な差のない-re/-e/-teと-kaの両方の派生形が記録されている。
    asserts

A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu 1

1. Ainu exhibits SV/AOV constituent order, and is agglutinative, head-marking, and polysynthetic.
   アイヌ語は膠着的、主要部標示型、複統合的な、SV/AOV語順の言語である。
   asserts

Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 1

1. Ainu has morphological and lexical causative expressions that increase valency.
   アイヌ語には結合価を増やす形態的・語彙的な使役表現が数多くある。
   asserts

The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template 1

1. The causative suffix -re/-e/-te can appear in two distinct template slots: transitivizing slot V and indirect causative slot VI.
   使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te は動詞テンプレート内の2つの異なる位置（他動詞化のスロットVと間接使役のスロットVI）に現れうる。
   proposes

Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy 1

1. In Ainu, there is no clear grammatical distinction between states and processes, and most verbs combine both meanings.
   アイヌ語には状態と過程との明確な文法的区別がなく、殆どの動詞がその両方を兼ねている。
   asserts

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization 2

1. Unlike the productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te, the suffix -V affects accent placement.
   接尾辞-Vは生産的な使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teと異なり、アクセントに影響を与える。
   leaf 4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -V-re-e-te
2. When -V attaches to a stem, the accent shifts, whereas when -re/-e/-te attaches to a stem, the accent does not shift.
   接尾辞-Vが語幹に付くとアクセントが移動するのに対し、-re/-e/-teが語幹に付いた場合にはアクセントが移動しない。
   leaf 4 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -V-re-e-temakámákkekúrekú

The Pitch-Accent Placement Rule and the Accented/Accentless Dialect Split 1

1. In Ainu, stress falls on the first syllable if it is closed, and on the second syllable if the first syllable is open.
   アイヌ語では、第一音節が閉音節であればそこに強勢が置かれ、第一音節が開音節であれば二番目の音節に強勢が置かれる。
   leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu tántokotán

The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs 11

1. The causative suffixes -ka and -ke attach only to stems consisting of two or more syllables.
   使役接尾辞-kaと-keは、二つ以上の音節からなる語幹にしか付かない。
   leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -ka-ke
2. Causativization of intransitives with -ke derives verbs from (a) state/process verbs, and (b) the singular forms of motion verbs ending in -n.
   -keによる自動詞の使役化には、(a)状態／過程を表す動詞を語基とするものと、(b)-nで終わる移動動詞の単数形から派生されるものとがある。
   leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -ke-n
3. There are no examples of causative derivation from transitive verbs using -ke.
   -keによる他動詞からの使役派生の例は存在しない。
   leaf 5 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -ke
4. The transitivizing suffix -ka is more common in Northeastern Hokkaido dialects and Sakhalin Ainu than in Southwestern Hokkaido dialects.
   使役・他動詞化接尾辞-kaは、北海道南西部方言に比べ、北海道北東部方言とサハリン方言においてより一般的である。
   leaf 6 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwesthokkaido/northeastsakhalin -ka
5. In Southwestern Hokkaido dialects, both -re/-e/-te and -ka causative derivations are recorded for several intransitive verbs without any semantic difference.
   北海道南西部方言においても幾つかの自動詞で、意味的な差のない-re/-e/-teと-kaの両方の派生形が記録されている。
   leaf 6 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -re-e-te-ka
6. The non-productive causative markers -V, -ke, and -ka all derive direct causative verbs and form a closed set of 158 items in the 387-verb sample: -V (111), -ka (38), and -ke (9).
   非生産的な使役標識である-V、-ke、-kaは全て直接使役動詞を派生し、387動詞のサンプル中では-V（111個）、-ka（38個）、-ke（9個）という閉じたセットを成す。
   leaf 3 membership asserts anchored · anchor 93% hokkaido/southwest/saru -V-ke-ka
7. Non-productive -V and -ka derive direct causative verbs from non-action intransitive verbs and from bound verb roots, whereas -ke derives causatives exclusively from intransitive verbs.
   非生産的な-Vと-kaは非動作自動詞および動詞語根から直接使役動詞を派生するのに対し、-keによる派生は全て自動詞からの派生である。
   leaf 3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru -V-ka-ke
8. In derivations from intransitive verbs, the causative suffix -V surfaces as -a, -i, -u, -e, or -o, whereas in derivations from bound roots it surfaces as -i, -u, -e, or -o, with -a not occurring.
   自動詞からの派生では使役接尾辞-Vは-a/-i/-u/-e/-oのいずれかになるが、動詞語根からの派生例では-i/-u/-e/-oになり、-aは現れない。
   leaf 3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru -V-a-i-u-e-o
9. The less productive derivations in -V, -ke, and -ka, which have traditionally been treated as 'transitives', may also be analyzed as causatives with respect to their syntax and function.
   従来「他動詞」として扱われてきた非生産的な派生接尾辞 -V、-ke、-ka は、統語論および機能の観点から使役としてもみなしうる。
   leaf 13 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu -V-ke-ka
10. Causative constructions marked by the suffixes -V, -ke, and -ka mark direct causation.
    接尾辞 -V、-ke、-ka によって標示される使役構文は直接使役を表す。
    leaf 13 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -V-ke-ka
11. The choice among non-productive causative suffixes -V, -ke, and -ka is largely determined according to the semantics of the base verb: -V attaches to process/state verbs and verb roots, -ka to spontaneous processes/actions or internal states/processes, and -ke to processes/states and verbs of motion.
    非生産的な-V、-ke、-kaのいずれの使役接辞が付くかは動詞の意味に従って決まり、-Vは過程／状態動詞や動詞語幹に、-kaは自発的過程／動作や内的状態／過程動詞に、-keは過程／状態や移動動詞に用いられる。
    leaf 11 distribution asserts extracted · anchor 53% hokkaido/southwest -V-ke-ka

The Antipassive / Detransitive i- 3

1. In direct causatives formed with -V or -ke, the causee object has especially high affectedness, and unlike in direct causatives with -ka and -re/-e/-te, it cannot undergo antipassivization or noun incorporation.
   接尾辞-Vや-keによる直接使役の場合、被使役者目的語の受影性が特に高いため、-kaおよび-re/-e/-teによる直接使役と異なり、逆受動化や抱合ができない。
   leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -V-ke-ka-re-e-te
2. A non-referential or indefinite causee of -ka causatives can be backgrounded by the valence-reducing antipassive prefix i-, in which case the causee cannot be expressed at all.
   -ka使役における非指示的あるいは不定の被使役者は結合価を減少させる逆受動のi-によって背景化され得て、その場合、被使役者を表現することは全くできない。
   leaf 4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu i--ka
3. A non-referential or indefinite causee can be backgrounded by the antipassive prefix i-.
   非指示的または不定の被使役者は逆受動接頭辞i-によって背景化されうる。
   leaf 7 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu i-

Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy 1

1. In Ainu, there is no clear grammatical distinction between states and processes, and most verbs combine both meanings.
   アイヌ語には状態と過程との明確な文法的区別がなく、殆どの動詞がその両方を兼ねている。
   leaf 4 absence asserts checked · anchor 95% ainu

The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te 38

1. When the causee of an n-final intransitive motion verb is agentive, the verb can be transitivized into an indirect causative with -re/-e/-te.
   同様のnで終わる移動動詞は被使役者が動作主的である場合には、-re/-e/-teで間接使役化されうる。
   leaf 4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
2. Among the three allomorphs of the causative suffix -re/-e/-te, -e surfaces after stem-final /r/, -te surfaces after all consonants other than /r/ and /y/, and -re surfaces after /y/ and all vowels, with -re considered the underlying form.
   使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teの3つの異形態のうち、-eは語根末/r/の後、-teは/r/と/y/以外の子音の後、-reは/y/と母音の後で実現し、基底形は-reと考えられる。
   leaf 5 alternation asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
3. The productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te derives both direct and indirect causatives.
   生産的な使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teは直接・間接使役の両方を派生する。
   leaf 5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
4. The only verb class that rejects causativization by -re/-e/-te (as well as all other derivational operations) is avalent meteorological verbs with incorporated subjects.
   -re/-e/-teによる使役化（ならびに他の全ての派生操作）を拒む動詞類は、主語(S)を抱合した気象に関する無項動詞のみである。
   leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-tesirpeker
5. As a direct causative marker, -re/-e/-te is basically in complementary distribution with the causative suffixes -V, -ka, and -ke, and cannot attach to verbs or roots that take them.
   直接使役の標識としての-re/-e/-teは、使役接尾辞-V, -ka, -keの付く動詞や語根には基本的に付加できず、これら4つの標識は相補分布している。
   leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te-V-ka-ke
6. In Southwestern Hokkaido dialects, a few intransitive verbs are recorded with both -re/-e/-te and -ka causative derivations without semantic difference.
   北海道南西部方言でも幾つかの自動詞は、意味的に差のない-re/-e/-teと-kaの両方の派生形が記録されている。
   leaf 5 variation asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -re-e-te-ka
7. Intransitive verbs from which direct causatives are derived by -re/-e/-te fall into two groups: non-derived intransitive verbs expressing properties or internal states/processes, and derived intransitive verbs (including those diachronically derived).
   -re/-e/-teによって直接使役が派生される自動詞には、性質や内的状態／過程を表す非派生自動詞と、（通時的なものを含めた）派生自動詞の2つのグループがある。
   leaf 6 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
8. Derived intransitive verbs that take -re/-e/-te to form direct causatives comprise antipassive verbs with i-, lexicalized reflexive-possessive verbs, and autocausative (body-movement) verbs derived with the prefixes he- 'head' and ho- 'buttocks'.
   -re/-e/-teにより直接使役が派生される派生自動詞には、接頭辞i-による逆受動動詞、語彙化した再帰所有動詞、および接頭辞he-「頭、上部」やho-「尻、末端」により派生された自己使役（身体動作）動詞が含まれる。
   leaf 6 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu i-he-ho--re-e-te
9. All base transitive verbs that undergo direct causativization with -re/-e/-te have non-agentive subjects.
   -re/-e/-teによって直接使役化される基底の他動詞は、すべて非動作主的な主語を持つ。
   leaf 7 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
10. In direct causativization of transitive verbs with -re/-e/-te, the original object is retained and the original subject (the causee argument) also becomes an object, resulting in a double-object construction.
    他動詞の-re/-e/-teによる使役化の場合、元の目的語（O）が保たれ、かつ元の主語（被使役者となる項）も目的語（Oc）となって二重目的語構造が作られる。
    leaf 7 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
11. In causative clauses based on transitive verbs, omission of the causee object occurs frequently when it is clear from context, but if the original base object is obvious, it is omitted instead.
    他動詞に基づく使役構文では、被使役者目的語が文脈上明らかな場合にその省略がしばしば起こる一方、元の目的語の方が明白であればそちらが省略される。
    leaf 7 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
12. In traditional analyses of Ainu, only the valency-increasing morphological causative -re/-e/-te and the valency-preserving indefinite causative -yar/-ar are regarded as causative expressions.
    伝統的分析では、-re/-e/-te による結合価を増やす形態論的使役と、-yar/-ar による結合価を変えない不定使役だけが使役表現と見なされている。
    leaf 1 analysis reports checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te-yar-ar
13. Traditionally, only the productive suffix -re/-e/-te and the indefinite causative suffix -yar/-ar have been regarded as causative markers in Ainu.
    従来アイヌ語では、生産的な接尾辞 -re/-e/-te（および不定使役の -yar/-ar）のみが使役標識とみなされてきた。
    leaf 13 terminology reports checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te-yar-ar
14. The causative suffix -re/-e/-te marks both indirect causation (both coercive and permissive) and direct causation.
    使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te は、間接使役（強制使役と許容使役の双方）のみならず直接使役も標示する。
    leaf 13 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
15. The causative function of -ka is gradually being replaced cross-dialectally by the productive causative -re/-e/-te, which came to be used as a default causative marker.
    -ka の使役機能は、デフォルトの使役標識として用いられるようになった生産的な使役接尾辞 -re/-e/-te によって方言横断的に徐々に置き換えられつつある。
    leaf 13 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu -ka-re-e-te
16. Indirect causatives in Ainu can be derived from transitive verbs as well as agentive intransitive verbs using the suffix -re/-e/-te.
    -re/-e/-teによる間接使役は、他動詞からも動作的自動詞からも派生される。
    leaf 8 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
17. According to Fukuda (Tamura) (2001), the suffix -re/-e/-te implies only coercive causation, where the causer makes the causee do something regardless of the causee's volition.
    福田（田村）（2001）によれば、-re/-e/-teは被使役者の意志・意向とは関係なしに使役主が被使役者に何かをさせるという強制使役の意味のみを含意する。
    leaf 8 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
18. Sato (2008) points out that Ainu causatives appear to be used for both permissive causation and coercive causation.
    佐藤（2008）は、アイヌ語の使役が「許可」と「強制」のいずれの場合にも用いられるようであると指摘している。
    leaf 8 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
19. Verbs derived with the causative suffix -re/-e/-te can express permissive causation.
    -re/-e/-teによる派生動詞に「許可性」が認められることは確実である。
    leaf 8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
20. All intransitive verb stems that undergo indirect causativization with -re/-e/-te take animate or agentive subjects.
    -re/-e/-teにより間接使役化される自動詞語基は全て、有生の主語か動作主的な主語をとるものである。
    leaf 8 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
21. Indirect causativization of intransitive verbs with -re/-e/-te increases valency, creating a transitive construction in which the original subject becomes the object.
    自動詞の-re/-e/-teによる間接使役化の派生は結合価を増やすことで、元の主語が目的語となるような他動的構文を作る。
    leaf 8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
22. Indirect causatives with -re/-e/-te can be derived from intransitive verbs formed by object incorporation.
    -re/-e/-teによる間接使役は、他動詞が元の目的語を抱合した派生自動詞からも派生される。
    leaf 8 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
23. Depending on whether the undergoer is interpreted as agentive or not, certain verbs causativized with -re/-e/-te can be interpreted as either direct or indirect causatives.
    被動作者を動作主的であると解釈するかそうでないかによって、-re/-e/-teによる直接使役とも間接使役とも解釈されうる動詞がある。
    leaf 8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
24. In verbs that form direct causatives with the unproductive suffixes -V or -ke, the productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te is always interpreted as an indirect causative marker.
    非生産的な接尾辞-V, -keによって直接使役を作る動詞では、生産的使役標識-re/-e/-teは必ず間接使役の標識として解釈される。
    leaf 9 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te-ke-V
25. In indirect causatives, the causee object is never incorporated or antipassivized.
    間接使役の場合、被使役者目的語は決して抱合されたり逆受動化されたりしない。
    leaf 9 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
26. Transitive verbs undergoing indirect causativization become trivalent verbs with a double-object structure.
    間接使役化された他動詞は統語的に三項動詞になり、二重目的語構造をとる。
    leaf 9 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
27. Although no indirect causative verb allows noun incorporation or antipassivization of the causee object, these operations can freely apply to the original base verb's object.
    あらゆるタイプの間接使役動詞において被使役者目的語の抱合と逆受動は認められないが、元の動詞の目的語には自由に適用できる。
    leaf 9 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
28. In Ainu, direct causative verbs formed with unproductive -V, -ke or productive -re/-e/-te can further take -re/-e/-te to express indirect causation, yielding double causative verbs.
    アイヌ語では非生産的な-V, -keや生産的な-re/-e/-teによる直接使役動詞に、さらに-re/-e/-teが付いて間接使役を表すことが可能であり、二重使役動詞を形成する。
    leaf 9 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te-V-ke
29. Double causatives in Ainu are expressed in a double-object construction with two unmarked objects.
    アイヌ語の二重使役は、無標の目的語を2つ伴った二重目的語構造で表される。
    leaf 10 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
30. In Ainu, double causativization of transitive verbs is possible, yielding four-place verbs, although such verbs are extremely rare.
    アイヌ語では他動詞の二重使役化すら可能であり、その結果四項動詞ができるが、これは非常に稀である。
    leaf 10 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
31. Valence-increasing causatives in Ainu are classified into non-productive causatives (-V, -ke, -ka) and productive causatives (-re/-e/-te).
    アイヌ語の結合価を増やす使役は、非生産的なもの（-V, -ke, -ka）と生産的なもの（-re/-e/-te）とに分類される。
    leaf 10 analysis proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -V-ke-ka-re-e-te
32. Productive causativization with -re/-e/-te functions not only as indirect causativization, but also as direct causativization (so-called transitivization).
    -re/-e/-teによる生産的使役化は、間接使役化の機能のみならず、直接使役化（いわゆる「他動詞化」）の機能も備えている。
    leaf 10 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -re-e-te
33. When the productive causative -re/-e/-te attaches to ingestion verbs, both direct causative and indirect causative interpretations are permitted depending on the semantic properties of the causee.
    摂取動詞に-re/-e/-teが付いた場合は、被使役者ごとの意味特性に合わせて直接使役と間接使役の両解釈が許される。
    leaf 10 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -re-e-te
34. The function of non-productive causativization with -ka is increasingly being replaced by the productive causative -re/-e/-te as the default marker of direct and indirect causatives, particularly prominently in Southwestern Hokkaido dialects.
    -kaによる非生産的使役化の機能は、次第に直接／間接使役のデフォルトの標識となってきている生産的な使役-re/-e/-teに置き換わりつつあり、この変化は特に北海道南西部方言に顕著である。
    leaf 10 diachrony proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -ka-re-e-te
35. Except for -ke, all morphological types of causatives can be derived from both intransitive and transitive verbs.
    -keを除いた使役の全ての形態的類型は、自動詞からも他動詞からも派生することができる。
    leaf 11 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -V-ke-ka-re-e-te
36. In direct causatives with -ka and -re/-e/-te, non-referential direct causees can be backgrounded through noun incorporation or antipassivization.
    -ka及び-re/-e/-teによる直接使役の場合、指示的でない直接被使役者は抱合あるいは逆受動化によって背景化される。
    leaf 11 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -ka-re-e-te
37. Causees in indirect causatives are animate and high in referentiality, and therefore never undergo noun incorporation or antipassivization.
    間接使役における被使役者は有生であり、指示性が高くなるため、抱合も逆受動化も決して受けない。
    leaf 11 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest
38. The only verbs that reject causativization with -re/-e/-te are zero-place weather verbs that have incorporated their subjects.
    -re/-e/-teによる使役化を拒む動詞は、主語を抱合したゼロ項天候動詞のみである。
    leaf 11 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -re-e-te

Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa 2

1. Direct causatives with -ke cannot be derived from plural forms of motion verbs; instead, productive -re/-e/-te derives both direct and indirect causatives from them.
   複数形の移動動詞からは-keによる直接使役が派生できず、生産的な-re/-e/-teによって直接・間接使役化の両方がなされる。
   leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -ke-re-e-te
2. Some verbs distinguish singular and plural number via suppletive stems or affixes.
   動詞によっては単数形か複数形かが語幹や接辞によって区別される。
   leaf 2 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest

Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives 5

1. In causativization of transitive verbs by -V and -ka, the original object (O) is retained and the original non-causative subject (A) becomes a causee object (Oc), forming a double-object construction.
   -Vおよび-kaによる他動詞の使役化では、元々の目的語(O)が残されたまま、元の非使役構造での主語(A)も目的語(Oc)となって、二重目的語構造となる。
   leaf 5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -V-ka
2. The suffix -re/-e/-te can attach to all direct causative verbs as a secondary (indirect) causative marker.
   -re/-e/-teは直接使役を表す全ての動詞に対して、二次的（間接）使役の標識として付くことができる。
   leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu -re-e-te
3. Syntactically, causative verbs derived from intransitives with -V, -ka, or -ke promote the original S argument of the non-causative clause to O, while introducing a new subject argument A.
   統語的に見て、自動詞を語基とした-V, -ka, -keによる使役動詞は、元の非使役構文での主語が派生使役構造での目的語になり（S＝O）、それと同時に新しい主語（A）を獲得する。
   leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru -V-ka-ke
4. In double causatives, two objects never appear simultaneously in actual clauses, as independent pronouns rarely co-occur and other noun phrases are omitted when topical.
   二重使役において、被使役者目的語が2つの場合も含め、いかなる場合でも2つの目的語が同時に現れることはなく、代名詞が複数現れることもなく話題の名詞句は省略される。
   leaf 10 distribution asserts extracted · anchor 74% ainu
5. Valence-increasing causatives create double-object constructions from transitive verbs, but expressing both objects overtly is avoided, with either the causee or the original object being coreferentially omitted.
   結合価を増やす使役は他動詞から二重目的語構文を作り出すが、目的語を両方とも言い表すのは避けられ、普通は被使役者目的語か本来の目的語のどちらかの名詞句が同一指示的に省略される。
   leaf 11 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest

Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 1

1. In Ainu, objects are normally omitted if they are clear from context, so causee objects in transitive causatives are also generally omitted when contextually clear.
   アイヌ語では目的語は文脈上明らかであれば省略されるのが普通なので、他動詞使役の被使役者目的語も文脈上明らかであれば省略されるのが一般的である。
   leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation 4

1. Causative verbs that incorporate a causee object are intransitive verbs.
   被使役者目的語を抱合した使役動詞は自動詞である。
   leaf 6 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
2. When objects are not contextually salient in transitive causatives, either the causee, the original object, or both can be incorporated into the verb.
   他動詞使役において目的語が文脈上あまり卓立していない場合、被使役者か元の目的語のいずれか、あるいは両方が動詞に抱合される。
   leaf 7 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. In causatives of transitive verbs, cases of incorporating both the original object and the causee object are lexicalized.
   他動詞の使役において、元の目的語と被使役者目的語の両方を抱合する例は語彙化している。
   leaf 7 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. Direct causatives formed with -V and -ke cannot undergo noun incorporation or antipassivization.
   -V、-keによる直接使役の場合には、抱合や逆受動化を受けることができない。
   leaf 11 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -V-ke

Hokkaido Dialect Classification and Dialectometry 1

1. Hokkaido Ainu has two main dialect divisions: Southwestern Hokkaido (HSW) and Northeastern Hokkaido (HNE).
   北海道アイヌ語には大きく分けて北海道南西部方言（HSW）と北海道北東部方言（HNE）の2つがある。
   leaf 1 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido

Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview 1

1. Ainu has morphological and lexical causative expressions that increase valency.
   アイヌ語には結合価を増やす形態的・語彙的な使役表現が数多くある。
   leaf 1 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu 1

1. Ainu exhibits SV/AOV constituent order, and is agglutinative, head-marking, and polysynthetic.
   アイヌ語は膠着的、主要部標示型、複統合的な、SV/AOV語順の言語である。
   leaf 2 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest

Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate 2

1. Free pronouns in Ainu display a neutral case-marking pattern where A, S, and O are unmarked, whereas verbal cross-reference affixes show a tripartite alignment pattern (distinguishing A, S, and O) at least for the exclusive first-person plural and the indefinite/fourth person.
   アイヌ語の代名詞はA=S=Oの中立型格体系を示すのに対し、動詞上の相互参照標識は、少なくとも除外的1人称複数や不定人称においてA・S・Oが弁別的な三立型の体系を示す。
   leaf 2 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest
2. Verbal cross-reference in Ainu exhibits a nominative-accusative pattern in the first-person singular and a neutral pattern in the second and third persons.
   アイヌ語の動詞の相互参照には、1人称単数主語の主格・対格型や、2人称・3人称の中立型の要素もある。
   leaf 2 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest

The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 1

1. The indefinite/fourth-person verbal cross-reference marker in Ainu has four functions: indefinite person, inclusive first-person plural, polite second person (singular and plural), and logophoric/protagonist person in narratives.
   アイヌ語の不定人称形式（IND）には、(i) 不定人称、(ii) 包括的1人称複数、(iii) 2人称単複の敬称、(iv) 話者指示人称あるいは主人公人称、の4つの機能がある。
   leaf 2 form-function asserts checked · anchor 89% hokkaido/southwest

Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 1

1. All nominal and clausal modifiers precede the element they modify in Ainu.
   アイヌ語において修飾語は全て前置される。
   leaf 2 ordering asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest

The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs 1

1. Ainu lacks an independent adjective word class; concepts corresponding to adjectives are expressed by intransitive verbs.
   アイヌ語には独立した形容詞という品詞がなく、形容詞に相当する概念は自動詞によって表される。
   leaf 2 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest

Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 1

1. Nouns in Ainu distinguish an unmarked free 'concept form' and a bound 'affiliative form' derived by the possessive suffix -(h)V/-VhV.
   名詞には、無標の自由形式である「概念形」と、概念形に所有接尾辞-(h)V/-VhVを付けて派生された拘束形式である「所属形」の区別がある。
   leaf 2 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -(h)V-VhV

Adnominal Possession: Double Marking and the Appositive Construction 1

1. The affiliative form of a noun indexes the person and number of the possessor via the A-series cross-reference prefixes.
   名詞の所属形には、A（他動詞主語）系列の相互参照接頭辞によって所有者の人称・数が標示される。
   leaf 2 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest

Tenselessness and the Time-Reference System 1

1. Ainu has various aspect, mood, and evidential markers on verbs, but lacks a pure tense marker.
   アイヌ語の動詞体系には数々のアスペクト、ムード、証拠性標識があるが、純然たるテンス標識というものはない。
   leaf 2 absence asserts checked · anchor 91% hokkaido/southwest

The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template 1

1. The productive causative suffix -re/-e/-te can occur twice in the Ainu verb template: once in slot (V) as a direct causative / transitivizing marker and once in slot (VI) as an indirect causative marker.
   生産的な使役接尾辞-re/-e/-teは、動詞構造の中でスロット(V)の直接使役／他動詞化標識と、スロット(VI)の間接使役標識として、2回現れうる。
   leaf 2 distribution proposes checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -re-e-te

Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 1

1. When a stem ends in a glide -w or -y, the causative suffix -V surfaces as -e, whereas after other consonants it is often identical to the stem vowel.
   語幹が渡り音-w/-yで終わるとき使役接尾辞-Vは-eとなり、それ以外の子音で終わるときは語幹の母音と同一母音であることが多い。
   leaf 3 alternation reports checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest/saru -V-e

Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question 1

1. Direct causatives formed with -V can undergo anticausativization with -ke, which deletes the original causer subject.
   -Vによる直接使役は、元の主語を消去する-keによる逆使役化を受けることができる。
   leaf 11 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/southwest -V-ke

Chapters citing this source

Examples cited from this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. Her work on Ainu applicatives provided a cross-linguistically situated analysis of the three applicative prefixes e-, ko-, and o-; her analysis of the antipassive placed Ainu within the comparative typology of antipassive constructions; and her work on possession and causatives has refined the standard valency analysis. no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
2. The productive causative is one suffix with three principal allomorphs: -re after a vowel or glide, -te after most consonants, and -e after r ; . 134 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
3. The suffix covers coercive and permissive causation alike, and Bugaeva’s Saru sample shows it as the productive default, taking in many direct-causative uses that older descriptions assigned to non-productive transitivizing suffixes . 130, 139–144 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
4. Bugaeva analyzes most of this morphology as direct causative in function, where Nakagawa keeps the forming suffixes, the productive causative, and the special motion-verb causatives distinct by their distribution ; ‹contested›. 129–144 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
5. Bugaeva places Ainu among the polysynthetic languages in Baker’s sense while recording where it departs from the Mohawk prototype — its word order, its in-situ wh, and its unrestricted morphological causatives ; ‹contested›. no page Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
6. A single verb may carry up to two applicatives, two causatives, two incorporated objects, and a lexical prefix, alongside a reciprocal, reflexive, or antipassive and the agreement indexes . no page Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
7. The productive majority is one underlying form realized as three phonologically conditioned allomorphs: -re after a vowel or the glides y, w; -te after any consonant other than r; and -e after r ; . 134 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
8. The three surface forms are phonologically predictable from the stem-final segment ; ; . 134 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
9. One phonological property separates the productive suffix from the non-productive cluster: it does not shift the pitch-accent kernel of the stem — kú-re and sinót-te, not *ku-ré or *sinot-té . 130–131 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
10. Double causatives — the productive suffix added to an already causativized base — are also attested, yielding a four-place verb; the attested kor-e-re 'cause to give' is one such form . 142–143 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
11. Bugaeva's 387-verb Saru/HSW corpus sample provides the most comprehensive quantitative treatment of the suffix inventory . 130, 143–144 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
12. At 190 tokens, the productive suffix outnumbers the three non-productive types combined and is the only one that covers both direct and indirect causation from both vi and vt bases . 143 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
13. Bugaeva's analysis subsumes even these under 'direct causative', treating the entire cluster as a valency-increasing operator set with differing scopes ; . 129–130, 143 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
14. When the base is stative or non-agentive, the direct reading predominates, with the causee as a highly affected non-volitional patient . 130, 139 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
15. An earlier analysis by Fukuda (Tamura) restricted the productive suffix to coercive causation; Bugaeva corrects this, citing Satō 2008, and documents permissive readings from corpus data . 139, 141–142 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
16. A verb of ingestion such as → e-re carries both coercive ('feed a child') and permissive ('let an adult eat') readings contextually, following the crosslinguistic pattern for ingestive verbs observed by Shibatani and Pardeshi (cited in ). 141–142 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
17. sir-pirka 'the weather is good' has no causative *sirpirka-re ; . 139 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
18. Among the non-productive suffixes, -ke additionally requires a one-argument base; the productive suffix and -ka accept both one- and two-argument bases . 139 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
19. Many verbs that take -ka in northeastern Hokkaido appear with -re/-te/-e in Saru; intra-dialectal doublets such as nam-te ~ nam-ka in Saru document the change in progress ; . 135–136, 143–144 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
20. Sakhalin varieties (‹SA›) preserve -ka more broadly . 135–136 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
21. A second suffix, -ka, overlaps in function with the forming suffixes but extends to stative and property bases and to derived stems, placing it on the boundary between the forming-suffix category and the productive direct causative; the literature has not settled its classification ; ‹contested›. 129–130, 143 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
22. Bugaeva's 387-verb Saru sample counts 111 verbs with -V and 9 with -ke, classifying all as direct causatives on semantic grounds . 130, 143 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
23. Cross-dialectally, -ka covers a broader verb class in northeastern Hokkaido; the replacement of -ka by -re/-te/-e is most advanced in Saru, as Bugaeva's sample of 38 -ka verbs against 190 -re/-e/-te verbs shows . 135–136, 143–144 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
24. The parallel holds for -ka: it signals that the causee is treated as a highly affected patient (direct causation), contrasting with the indirect or permissive readings accessible to -re/-te/-e . 130, 139 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
25. The 387-verb Saru count — 111 verbs under -V, 9 under -ke, 38 under -ka — establishes the proportions but does not settle the morphological-status question independently . 130, 143 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
26. Ainu objects are invariably unmarked, so the causee surfaces as a bare NP alongside any O-set affix that cross-references it, in exactly the same way the patient of any transitive does ; . 142 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
27. Bugaeva (2014: 142) characterizes the causee in this frame as an unmarked direct object in a double-object construction, parallel in its coding to a recipient in an applicative-derived ditransitive ; . 142 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
28. After the vowel-final first causative -e (the allomorph after r), the second causative surfaces as -re (the allomorph after a vowel), producing the sequence -e-re ; . 134 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
29. Bugaeva (2014: 142–143) records kor-e-re as attested once in her 387-verb Saru sample . 142–143 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
30. The causative sits within a broader combinability system in which two applicatives, two causatives, two incorporated objects, reflexive, and agreement indexes can co-occur on a single verb — surveyed in ; . no page Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
31. Bugaeva's Saru study shows that the productive -re/-te/-e also covers permissive causation alongside coercive causation, and that ingestive verbs like 'eat' and 'drink' take both readings with that suffix . 139, 141–142 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
32. Bugaeva's 2014 causative study, the most comprehensive treatment of Ainu causative morphology available, explicitly excludes -yar for reasons of space . 127 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
33. The data for this table come from , , and . 127, 130, 143 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
34. Bugaeva's 387-verb Saru causative study — the most comprehensive available — excludes -yar for reasons of space . 127 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
35. Up to two applicative prefixes appear on one verb simultaneously, each raising arity by one ; . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
36. Bugaeva's (2014 abstract) characterization of Ainu as polysynthetic in Baker's sense — with the caveat that it departs from the Mohawk prototype in word order, in-situ wh, and unrestricted morphological causatives — places this stacking capacity in typological perspective . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
37. Two reflexive prefixes and two applicatives can co-occur on a single root, as in the word a=e-yay-ko-tuyma-si-ram-suy-pa discussed in ; . no page The Reflexive yay-
38. In eyaykotuymasiramsuypa 'ponder deeply about', the core is the noun-incorporation siram-suypa 'sway one's mind'; — a stative verb, glossed here 'deeply' — adds a manner over that core (+0), and only then do the applicative ko-, the reflexive yay-, and the applicative e- stack outward . no page Adverbial (Manner) Incorporation and the Property-Verb Question