Knowledge base · source
Nakagawa 2022
Nakagawa, Hiroshi 中川裕 (2022). Parts of speech — with a focus on the classification of nouns. Handbook of the Ainu language (HJLL 12), 473–514. De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin & Boston.
prior-analysis general text held locally OCR handbook-epub: 7 leaves, 7 with a printed page
42chapters citing
83citing sentences
4examples
80statements extracted
80claims with a stance
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Adnominal Possession: Double Marking and the Appositive Construction 1
- 名詞の所属形には、A（他動詞主語）系列の相互参照接頭辞によって所有者の人称・数が標示される。
The Adverbializer -no and Adverb Formation from Verbs 1
- 動作や変化を表す動詞にnoが後続する場合、副詞を形成するのではなく動詞の意味を強意する。
Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 3
- 母音終わりの名詞語幹において、所属形語尾は短形ではゼロ、長形では -hV となる。
- 所属形接尾辞-iは子音終わりの普通名詞におけるデフォルトの値であり、複合名詞や外来語に現れる。
- 概念形がyまたはwで終わる場合、所属形接尾辞は短縮形では-e、長期形では-e-heとなる。
The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification 1
- 分離可能所有は［所有者＋kor＋概念形］の型で表されるのに対し、分離不能所有は［所有者＋所属形］の型で表される。
The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 1
- omare のような本来的な場所目的語動詞の数は限られているが、動作適用接頭辞 e- および o- は意味が適合する任意の動詞に付加でき、特に韻文において極めて生産的な造語法である。
Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order 1
- アイヌ語は、名詞句に格標識を付けないことによって主語および目的語の項を示す。
Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 6
- 所有の人称接辞は名詞の所属形にのみ義務的に付き、概念形に付くことはない。
- 韻律的な違いを除き、名詞の短縮所属形と長期所属形の間に意味的または機能的な違いはない。
- 普通名詞と位置名詞の変化は形態的にも統語機能的にも異なるため、「概念形」「所属形」という術語は普通名詞に限定し、位置名詞の形式は「基本形」「長形」と呼ぶ。
- 普通名詞の所属形は一般に＜位置＞として扱われる。
- 普通名詞では人称接辞は所属形にのみ付加され概念形には決して付かないのに対し、位置名詞では基本形と長形の両方に付加される。
- 普通名詞は一般に概念形、短縮所属形、そして-hVで終わる長期所属形の3つの形態論的形態をとる。
Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 2
- アイヌ語において、名詞句には主語および目的語という統語的役割の標示が存在しない。
- 動詞 e-pakasnu「教える」の3つの名詞句項は動詞の前に置かれるが、その語順は自由である。
The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses 1
- アイヌ語では名詞で終わる文は基本的に避けられ、A=Bの意味を表す際は名詞の後にコピュラ動詞neを置かなければならない。
The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism 2
- 1価動詞の2人称複数主語接辞は石狩方言でes-、それ以外の方言でeci-である。
- 石狩方言では普通名詞の二人称複数所有者接頭辞はes-であるが、それ以外の方言ではeci-である。
Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka) 1
- 存在動詞anおよびコピュラneは、静的な状態と状態変化の双方を表すことができる。
The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur) 5
- 普通名詞 utar「仲間、親族」は文法化を経て複数化辞として機能する形式名詞になったと考えられる。
- 代名詞と形式名詞には人称接辞が付加されない。
- 形式名詞 p〜pe や hi は直前の要素だけでなく先行する動詞句全体を名詞化する機能を持つため、接辞ではなく接語と見なされるべきである。
- 形式名詞 hi は動詞句によってのみ修飾され、p は動詞句または連体詞によって修飾され名詞句では修飾されず、utar は動詞句、名詞句、連体詞によって修飾されうる。
- 形式名詞hiは「時」または「場所」と解釈される場合、常に＜位置＞として扱われる。
The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 1
- 普通名詞の四人称所有者接頭辞は、北海道西部方言ではa-、それ以外の方言ではan-である。
Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns 1
- 代名詞は他の要素によって修飾されない。
Kinship and Honorific Possession 2
- 沙流方言において年上の親族に対する呼称は kor＋概念形の形をとり、言及語としてのみ用いられる所属形と区別される。
- 親族名称は所属形であっても＜位置＞としては扱われないようである。
Standard Clausal Negation with somo 1
- 動作動詞が否定されると、後続動詞との接続にはwaではなく助詞noが用いられ、*somo ipe wa mokorのような形式は容認されない。
The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs 6
- 属性概念を表す語は自動詞とまったく同一の主語人称標識接辞をとる。
- 状態動詞（性質語）は語幹自体で状態変化を表すため、変化を表すためにコピュラ ne と共起することはできず非文法的となる。
- 使役接尾辞や適用接頭辞のような動詞接辞は、意味的に両立しうる限り、形容詞的な意味を持つ語にも同様に接続する。
- 形容詞的な意味を持つ語は、コピュラを伴わずにそのまま述語の位置に置かれる。
- 形容詞的な意味を持つ語は、動詞と同様に形態的変化を伴わずに名詞の前に置かれて修飾する。
- 属性概念を表す語は1価動詞との差異がごく僅かであるため、アイヌ語において独立した形容詞品詞を設定することは不適切である。
Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns 10
- 普通名詞と位置名詞はともに、基本形に接尾辞が付加されることによって語形が変化する。
- すべての普通名詞は基底において所属形を持つ性質があり、材料と製品の関係などの意味条件が満たされれば表面化する。
- アイヌ語において、普通名詞には概念形と所属形の2つの形式がある。
- 普通名詞の概念形は一般に〈場所〉の統語的機能を持たない。
- 名詞の4つの下位区分（普通名詞、位置名詞、代名詞、形式名詞）は、語形変化、所属格人称接辞、自立性、可能な修飾語、場所性の5つの形態・統語的特徴によって識別できる。
- アイヌ語の位置名詞には基本形と長形がある。
- 位置名詞は統語的に常に〈場所〉として扱われる。
- 位置名詞は基本形が先行名詞句を要求するかどうかに応じて、カテゴリー1位置名詞とカテゴリー2位置名詞に区分される。
- 代名詞と形式名詞にはこのような語形変化が見られない。
- 北海道方言では固有名詞は所属形を持たないが、樺太方言では人名が所属形を持つ。
Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 1
- 文脈から明らかな項名詞句は文中に現れる必要がなく、代名詞でも代用されない。
The Structure of the Noun Phrase 2
- 沙流方言には2つの名詞句を接続する助詞が存在しない。
- 普通名詞の概念形と所属形はともに、動詞句、名詞句、連体詞によって修飾されうる。
Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 2
- アイヌ語において、1人称、2人称、および不定人称は人称接辞によって動詞上に義務的に標示される。
- 所有者が1人称・2人称・4人称のとき、普通名詞に付加される人称接辞は他動詞主語人称形式と同じ形であり、位置名詞に付加されるものは他動詞目的語人称形式と同じ形である。
Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 23
- 「上」を表す位置名詞は、接触する上（ka）、離れた上（enka）、広がりのある上（kurka）を区別する。
- 普通名詞の概念形は原則として文法的な〈場所〉になりえないが、位置名詞は基本形でも長形でも常に文法的な〈場所〉として機能する。
- 位置名詞の人称接辞は、基本形と長形（拡大形）の双方に付加される。
- 千歳方言において、先行詞が直前に現れ人を表す名詞句である場合には、基本形 or ではなく所属形 oro が用いられ、「その人のいる所、家」という意味になる。
- アイヌ語において、〈場所〉の標示は統語的役割を明確にする機能を持つと考えられる。
- 第1類位置名詞において、基本形は直前に先行詞となる名詞句または人称接辞を必要とするのに対し、拡大形はそのような制約を持たない。
- 第2類位置名詞は、基本形であっても先行詞となる名詞句を必要としない。
- 第2類位置名詞は基本的に、kim-pis、rep-ya、rik-ra、sa-mak、cupka-cuppok、pena-panaのように、同一軸上の反対方向を示すペアをなす。
- 第2類位置名詞の前後に接頭辞（he-, ho-, e-, o-）と動詞語幹（asi, un, ne）を挟むことで、方向を示す特殊な副詞（または動詞）が派生される。
- カテゴリー2位置名詞は方向性を示す一連の副詞パターンを形成する。
- pok に基づく位置名詞には接触・非接触の区別がなく、enpok は aman enpok「桁の下」という慣用表現にのみ現れる。
- 位置名詞の対である etok と oka は動くものや線状・時間的な「前・後」を表すのに対し、kotca と osmak は静止したものの「前・後」を表し、時間表現には用いられない。
- 位置名詞 tum は均質なもの（土、水、風など）の内側を表し、onnay は中空のもの（家、船、容器など）の内側を表す。
- 位置名詞には基本形と拡大形という2つの形式がある。
- 沙流方言および千歳方言では、基本形 or は文頭に現れることができず、拡大形 oro を用いなければならない。
- 十勝方言および石狩方言では、otta や or en のように［基本形＋格助詞］の形が文頭に立つことができる。
- 位置名詞は先行する名詞句や動詞句によって修飾されうるが、連体詞によって修飾されることはできない。
- 位置格小粒子 ta、向格小粒子 un/en/ne、奪格小粒子 wa、経由格小粒子 peka が後続するとき、結合辞 e- や o- を伴う動詞の目的語となるとき、あるいは oma、osma、o、kus のような位置目的語動詞の目的語となるとき、名詞句は文法的な〈場所〉であることが要求される。
- 沙流方言において、situ「尾根」、cise「家」、iwor so「猟場」、kakenca「衣紋掛け」のような概念形の普通名詞は、ta、un、e-、osma と直接結びつく場所表現において非文法的となる。
- ＜位置＞の特徴を持たない名詞句は、直後に位置格助詞を伴うことも、位置目的語動詞の目的語になることもできない。
- 普通名詞kotan「村」は、すべての方言において概念形のままで直接位置格助詞taを後続させることができる。
- 普通名詞cise「家」は多くの方言で＜位置＞として扱われるが、沙流方言および千歳方言では＜位置＞として扱われない。
- 位置名詞に付く所属を示す人称接頭辞は、他動詞の目的語人称接辞と同じである。
Sequential wa and Clause Chaining 1
- 2つの動作動詞を接続する際には接続助詞waが用いられるが、第1の動詞が属性や状態を表す場合にはnoが用いられる。
Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity 2
- アイヌ語には、〈場所〉名詞句を目的語として指定する場所目的語動詞と呼ばれる動詞が存在する。
- 動詞 oma-re は2つの目的語をとる3価の場所目的語動詞であり、そのうちの1つは〈場所〉名詞句でなければならない。
The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition 3
- 統語的特徴のセットに基づき、アイヌ語の品詞は名詞、動詞、副詞、連体詞、間投詞、助動詞、助詞の7種に分類される。
- 名詞は名詞句を形成して述語の項（主語や目的語）になりうる要素として定義される。
- アイヌ語の述語位置は常に動詞句によって占められ、その主要部は動詞または助動詞である。
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The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition 3
- Based on a set of syntactic characteristics, Ainu parts of speech are divided into seven types: nouns, verbs, adverbs, prenominals, interjections, auxiliary verbs, and particles.統語的特徴のセットに基づき、アイヌ語の品詞は名詞、動詞、副詞、連体詞、間投詞、助動詞、助詞の7種に分類される。
- In Ainu, the predicate position is invariably occupied by a verb phrase whose head is a verb or an auxiliary verb.アイヌ語において述語の位置を占める要素は常に動詞句であり、動詞句の主要部は動詞または助動詞である。
- Nouns can be defined as elements that can be the heads of noun phrases, and noun phrases as elements that can be arguments to a predicate.名詞は名詞句の主要部になりうる要素として定義でき、名詞句は述語の項になりうる要素として定義できる。
The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses 1
- Sentences ending directly in a noun are basically avoided in Ainu, and expressing 'A = B' requires the copular verb ne after the noun.アイヌ語では名詞で終わる文は基本的に避けられ、A=Bの意味を表す際は名詞の後にコピュラ動詞neを置かなければならない。
The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs 6
- Words with adjective-like meanings are placed directly in predicate position without a copula.形容詞的な意味を持つ語は、コピュラを伴わずにそのまま述語の位置に置かれる。
- Words with adjective-like meanings modify nouns by preceding them with no morphological change, identically to verbs.形容詞的な意味を持つ語は、動詞と同様に形態的変化を伴わずに名詞の前に置かれて修飾する。
- Words with adjective-like meanings take the exact same set of subject person-marking affixes as 1-valence verbs (ku-, -as, e-, es-/eci-, -an).形容詞的な意味を持つ語は、1価動詞とまったく同一の主語人称標識接辞セット（ku-, -as, e-, es-/eci-, -an）をとる。
- Verbal affixes like the causative suffix and the applicative prefix attach equally to words with adjective-like meanings, provided they are semantically compatible.使役接尾辞や適用接頭辞のような動詞接辞は、意味的に両立しうる限り、形容詞的な意味を持つ語にも同様に接続する。
- Property-concept words such as poro 'be large/old' also express change of state ('become large/old') in the same form without derivational affixes, making a collocation like *poro ne ungrammatical.poro「大きい/年長である」のような属性を表す語は接辞付加などの形態的処理なしに同一形式で状態変化（「大きくなる/年長になる」）も表し、*poro neのような連語は非文法的一である。
- Recognizing an independent adjective class in Ainu is inappropriate because property-concept words show only minuscule differences from 1-valence verbs.属性概念を表す語は1価動詞との差異がごく僅かであるため、アイヌ語において独立した形容詞品詞を設定することは不適切である。
The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism 2
- The second-person plural subject affix for 1-valence verbs is es- in the Ishikari dialect and eci- in the other dialects.1価動詞の2人称複数主語接辞は石狩方言でes-、それ以外の方言でeci-である。
- In the Ishikari dialect, the second-person plural possessor prefix on ordinary nouns is es-, whereas in other dialects it is eci-.石狩方言では普通名詞の二人称複数所有者接頭辞はes-であるが、それ以外の方言ではeci-である。
Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka) 1
- The existential verb an and the copula ne can both express a static state and a change of state.存在動詞anおよびコピュラneは、静的な状態と状態変化の双方を表すことができる。
Sequential wa and Clause Chaining 1
- When two action verbs are conjoined, the conjunctive particle wa is used, but when the first verb expresses a property or state, no is used.2つの動作動詞を接続する際には接続助詞waが用いられるが、第1の動詞が属性や状態を表す場合にはnoが用いられる。
The Adverbializer -no and Adverb Formation from Verbs 1
- When attached to an action or change verb, the element no does not form an adverb but intensifies the meaning of the verb.動作や変化を表す動詞にnoが後続する場合、副詞を形成するのではなく動詞の意味を強意する。
Standard Clausal Negation with somo 1
- When an action verb is negated, it takes the particle no rather than wa to link to a following verb, blocking forms like *somo ipe wa mokor.動作動詞が否定されると、後続動詞との接続にはwaではなく助詞noが用いられ、*somo ipe wa mokorのような形式は容認されない。
Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns 10
- Four subcategories of nouns can be identified through five morphological and syntactic features: inflection, possessive case person affixes, independence, possible modifiers, and locativity.名詞の4つの下位区分（普通名詞、位置名詞、代名詞、形式名詞）は、語形変化、所属格人称接辞、自立性、可能な修飾語、場所性の5つの形態・統語的特徴によって識別できる。
- Both ordinary nouns and locative nouns change their forms through the attachment of suffixes to their basic forms.普通名詞と位置名詞はともに、基本形に接尾辞が付加されることによって語形が変化する。
- Pronouns and formal nouns do not show inflectional changes in form.代名詞と形式名詞にはこのような語形変化が見られない。
- In Hokkaido dialects, proper nouns do not take affiliative forms, whereas in Sakhalin dialects people's names possess affiliative forms.北海道方言では固有名詞は所属形を持たないが、樺太方言では人名が所属形を持つ。
- All ordinary nouns have an underlying affiliative form that surfaces when semantic conditions such as a material-product relationship are met.すべての普通名詞は基底において所属形を持つ性質があり、材料と製品の関係などの意味条件が満たされれば表面化する。
- In Ainu, ordinary nouns have two forms: the conceptual form and the affiliative form.アイヌ語において、普通名詞には概念形と所属形の2つの形式がある。
- Locative nouns in Ainu have a basic form and long forms.アイヌ語の位置名詞には基本形と長形がある。
- The conceptual form of ordinary nouns generally does not possess the syntactic function of <location>.普通名詞の概念形は一般に〈場所〉の統語的機能を持たない。
- Locative nouns are always treated syntactically as <location>.位置名詞は統語的に常に〈場所〉として扱われる。
- Locative nouns are divided into category 1 and category 2 based on whether or not their basic forms require an antecedent noun phrase.位置名詞は基本形が先行名詞句を要求するかどうかに応じて、カテゴリー1位置名詞とカテゴリー2位置名詞に区分される。
Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form 6
- Because the changes in ordinary nouns and locative nouns are morphologically and syntactically different, the terms conceptual form and affiliative form are restricted to ordinary nouns, while locative noun forms are termed the basic form and the long form.普通名詞と位置名詞の変化は形態的にも統語機能的にも異なるため、「概念形」「所属形」という術語は普通名詞に限定し、位置名詞の形式は「基本形」「長形」と呼ぶ。
- On ordinary nouns, person affixes attach only to the affiliative form and never to the conceptual form, whereas on locative nouns, person affixes attach to both the basic form and the long form.普通名詞では人称接辞は所属形にのみ付加され概念形には決して付かないのに対し、位置名詞では基本形と長形の両方に付加される。
- Ordinary nouns generally take three morphological forms: a conceptual form, a short affiliative form, and a long affiliative form ending in -hV.普通名詞は一般に概念形、短縮所属形、そして-hVで終わる長期所属形の3つの形態論的形態をとる。
- Except for prosodic differences, there is no semantic or functional difference between the short and long affiliative forms.韻律的な違いを除き、短縮所属形と長期所属形の間に意味的または機能的な違いはないと考えられる。
- Possessive person affixes obligatorily attach only to the affiliative form of a noun.所有の人称接辞は名詞の所属形にのみ付き、概念形に付くことはない。
- The affiliative form of an ordinary noun is generally treated as having the feature <location>.普通名詞の所属形は一般に＜位置＞として扱われる。
Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 2
- When the possessor is first-, second-, or fourth-person, person affixes attached to ordinary nouns are identical to the subjective person affixes of transitive verbs, whereas those attached to locative nouns are identical to the objective person affixes of transitive verbs.所有者が1人称・2人称・4人称のとき、普通名詞に付加される人称接辞は他動詞主語人称形式と同じ形であり、位置名詞に付加されるものは他動詞目的語人称形式と同じ形である。
- First person, second person, and indefinite person arguments are obligatorily marked on the verb by person affixes in Ainu.アイヌ語において、1人称、2人称、および不定人称は人称接辞によって動詞上に義務的に標示される。
The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur) 5
- Pronouns and formal nouns do not take person affixes.代名詞と形式名詞には人称接辞が付加されない。
- The formal nouns p ~ pe and hi nominalize the entire preceding verb phrase rather than merely attaching to the immediately preceding element, and should therefore be considered clitics rather than affixes.形式名詞 p〜pe や hi は直前の要素だけでなく先行する動詞句全体を名詞化する機能を持つため、接辞ではなく接語と見なされるべきである。
- The ordinary noun utar 'companion, relative' has grammaticalized into a formal noun functioning as a pluralizer.普通名詞 utar「仲間、親族」は文法化を経て複数化辞として機能する形式名詞になったと考えられる。
- The formal noun hi can only be modified by a verb phrase, p can be modified by a verb phrase or a prenominal but not by a noun phrase, and utar can be modified by verb phrases, noun phrases, or prenominals.形式名詞 hi は動詞句によってのみ修飾され、p は動詞句または連体詞によって修飾され名詞句では修飾されず、utar は動詞句、名詞句、連体詞によって修飾されうる。
- The formal noun hi is treated as <location> when it is interpreted as denoting 'time' or 'place'.形式名詞hiは「時」または「場所」と解釈される場合、常に＜位置＞として扱われる。
The Structure of the Noun Phrase 2
- Both the conceptual form and the affiliative form of ordinary nouns can be modified by verb phrases, noun phrases, and prenominals.普通名詞の概念形と所属形はともに、動詞句、名詞句、連体詞によって修飾されうる。
- The Saru dialect of Ainu lacks a particle that conjoins two noun phrases.沙流方言には2つの名詞句を接続する助詞が存在しない。
Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms 23
- Locative nouns can be modified by an antecedent noun phrase or a verb phrase, but cannot be modified by a prenominal.位置名詞は先行する名詞句や動詞句によって修飾されうるが、連体詞によって修飾されることはできない。
- A noun phrase is required to be grammatically <location> when followed by the locative particle ta, the allative particles un, en, or ne, the ablative particle wa, or the perlative particle peka; when used as the object of an applicative verb in e- or o-; or when used as the object of a locative object verb such as oma, osma, o, or kus.位置格小粒子 ta、向格小粒子 un/en/ne、奪格小粒子 wa、経由格小粒子 peka が後続するとき、結合辞 e- や o- を伴う動詞の目的語となるとき、あるいは oma、osma、o、kus のような位置目的語動詞の目的語となるとき、名詞句は文法的な〈場所〉であることが要求される。
- An ordinary noun in its conceptual form cannot, as a general rule, serve as a <location>, whereas locative nouns are always <location> in either their basic or long forms.普通名詞の概念形は原則として〈場所〉になりえないのに対し、位置名詞は基本形でも長形でも常に〈場所〉である。
- In the Saru dialect, ordinary nouns in their conceptual forms such as situ 'ridge', cise 'house', iwor so 'hunting grounds', and kakenca 'clothes hanging rack' are ungrammatical in locative expressions directly with ta, un, e-, or osma.沙流方言において、situ「尾根」、cise「家」、iwor so「猟場」、kakenca「衣紋掛け」のような概念形の普通名詞は、ta、un、e-、osma と直接結びつく場所表現において非文法的となる。
- Locative nouns have two forms, a basic form and a long form.位置名詞には基本形と拡大形という2つの形式がある。
- For category 1 locative nouns, the basic form requires an immediately preceding noun phrase or person affix as an antecedent, whereas the long form can appear without an overt antecedent.第1類位置名詞において、基本形は直前に先行詞となる名詞句または人称接辞を必要とするのに対し、拡大形はそのような制約を持たない。
- In the Saru and Chitose dialects, the basic form or cannot appear sentence-initially, and the long form oro must be used instead.沙流方言および千歳方言では、基本形 or は文頭に現れることができず、拡大形 oro を用いなければならない。
- In the Tokachi and Ishikari dialects, combinations of the basic form or plus a case particle, such as otta or or en, can appear at the beginning of a sentence.十勝方言および石狩方言では、otta や or en のように［基本形＋格助詞］の形が文頭に立つことができる。
- The possessive person prefixes that attach to locative nouns are formally identical to the objective person affixes of transitive verbs.位置名詞に付く所属を示す人称接頭辞は、他動詞の目的語人称接辞と同じである。
- Possessive person prefixes can attach to both the basic form and the long form of locative nouns.位置名詞の人称接辞は、基本形と拡大形の双方に付加される。
- Category 2 locative nouns do not require an antecedent noun phrase even in their basic forms.第2類位置名詞は、基本形であっても先行詞となる名詞句を必要としない。
- Locative nouns meaning 'above' based on the stem ka distinguish ka 'contiguously above', enka 'noncontiguous/distantly above', and kurka 'spreading above'.語幹 ka に基づく「上」を表す位置名詞において、ka は「接触した上」、enka は「離れた／はるかな上」、kurka は「一面に広がった上」を表す。
- Locative nouns based on pok lack a contiguous versus non-contiguous distinction, and enpok occurs only in the fixed expression aman enpok 'under the beam'.pok に基づく位置名詞には接触・非接触の区別がなく、enpok は aman enpok「桁の下」という慣用表現にのみ現れる。
- The locative pair etok and oka denotes 'before' and 'behind' something moving or in a linear or temporal sense, whereas kotca and osmak denote 'before' and 'behind' something stationary and cannot express temporal relations.位置名詞の対である etok と oka は動くものや線状・時間的な「前・後」を表すのに対し、kotca と osmak は静止したものの「前・後」を表し、時間表現には用いられない。
- The locative noun tum expresses the inside of something homogeneous (such as earth, water, or wind), while onnay expresses the inside of something hollow (such as a house, boat, or container).位置名詞 tum は均質なもの（土、水、風など）の内側を表し、onnay は中空のもの（家、船、容器など）の内側を表す。
- In the Chitose dialect, when the antecedent immediately precedes and denotes a person, the affiliative form oro is used instead of basic or, expressing 'where someone lives, a house'.千歳方言において、先行詞が直前に現れ人を表す名詞句である場合には、基本形 or ではなく所属形 oro が用いられ、「その人のいる所、家」という意味になる。
- Category 2 locative nouns basically occur in antonymous pairs denoting opposite directions along an axis, such as kim vs. pis, rep vs. ya, rik vs. ra, sa vs. mak, cupka vs. cuppok, and pena vs. pana.第2類位置名詞は基本的に、kim-pis、rep-ya、rik-ra、sa-mak、cupka-cuppok、pena-panaのように、同一軸上の反対方向を示すペアをなす。
- Directional adverbs and verbs can be derived from category 2 locative nouns by sandwiching them between a directional prefix (he-, ho-, e-, o-) and a verb stem (asi, un, ne).第2類位置名詞の前後に接頭辞（he-, ho-, e-, o-）と動詞語幹（asi, un, ne）を挟むことで、方向を示す特殊な副詞（または動詞）が派生される。
- A noun phrase lacking the feature <location> cannot be immediately followed by a locative case particle or serve as the object of a locative object verb.＜位置＞の特徴を持たない名詞句は、直後に位置格助詞を伴うことも、位置目的語動詞の目的語になることもできない。
- The ordinary noun kotan 'village' can take the locative case particle ta directly in its conceptual form across all dialects.普通名詞kotan「村」は、すべての方言において概念形のままで直接位置格助詞taを後続させることができる。
- The ordinary noun cise 'house' is treated as having the feature <location> in many dialects, but not in the Saru and Chitose dialects.普通名詞cise「家」は多くの方言で＜位置＞として扱われるが、沙流方言および千歳方言では＜位置＞として扱われない。
- Category 2 locative nouns form a set of adverb patterns indicating directionality.カテゴリー2位置名詞は方向性を示す一連の副詞パターンを形成する。
- Marking for <location> serves the function of clarifying syntactic roles in Ainu clauses.アイヌ語において、〈場所〉の標示は統語的役割を明確にする機能を持つと考えられる。
Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns 1
- Pronouns cannot be modified by other elements.代名詞は他の要素によって修飾されない。
The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification 1
- Alienable possession is expressed with the pattern [possessor + kor + conceptual form], whereas inalienable possession is expressed with [possessor + affiliative form].分離可能所有は［所有者＋kor＋概念形］の型で表されるのに対し、分離不能所有は［所有者＋所属形］の型で表される。
Kinship and Honorific Possession 2
- In the Saru dialect, address terms for older relatives take the construction [kor + conceptual form], in contrast to reference terms which take affiliative forms.沙流方言において年上の親族に対する呼称は［kor＋概念形］の形をとり、言及語としてのみ用いられる所属形と区別される。
- Kinship terms are not treated as <location> even when they appear in their affiliative form.親族名称は所属形であっても＜位置＞としては扱われないようである。
Morphophonology of the Affiliative Suffix and Echo/Copy Vowels 3
- When a conceptual form ends in a vowel, its affiliative suffix is zero for the short form and -hV for the long form.概念形が母音で終わる場合、所属形接尾辞は短縮形ではゼロ、長期形では-hVとなる。
- When a conceptual form ends in y or w, the affiliative suffix is -e for the short form and -e-he for the long form.概念形がyまたはwで終わる場合、所属形接尾辞は短縮形では-e、長期形では-e-heとなる。
- The affiliative suffix -i is the default formative for consonant-final ordinary nouns and appears on compound nouns and foreign words.所属形接尾辞-iは子音終わりの普通名詞におけるデフォルトの値であり、複合名詞や外来語に現れる。
Adnominal Possession: Double Marking and the Appositive Construction 1
- The possessive prefixes on ordinary nouns showing person and number of the possessor are identical to the transitive verb subject prefixes.普通名詞に付いて所有者の人称と数を示す接頭辞は、他動詞の主語接頭辞Aと同一である。
The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing 1
- The fourth-person possessor prefix on ordinary nouns is a- in western Hokkaido dialects and an- elsewhere.普通名詞の四人称所有者接頭辞は、北海道西部方言ではa-、それ以外の方言ではan-である。
Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order 1
- Ainu indicates subject and object arguments by the absence of case markers on the noun phrases.アイヌ語は、名詞句に格標識を付けないことによって主語および目的語の項を示す。
Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 2
- The three noun phrase arguments of the verb e-pakasnu 'teach someone something' precede the verb, but their relative order is free.動詞 e-pakasnu「教える」の3つの名詞句項は動詞の前に置かれるが、その語順は自由である。
- Noun phrases in Ainu have no grammatical marking for the syntactic roles of subject and object.アイヌ語において、名詞句には主語および目的語という統語的役割の標示が存在しない。
Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity 2
- Ainu possesses locative object verbs that specify a noun phrase of the <location> class as their object.アイヌ語には、〈場所〉名詞句を目的語として指定する場所目的語動詞と呼ばれる動詞が存在する。
- The verb oma-re is a three-place locative object verb taking two objects, one of which must be a <location> noun phrase.動詞 oma-re は2つの目的語をとる3価の場所目的語動詞であり、そのうちの1つは〈場所〉名詞句でなければならない。
Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 1
- In Ainu, an argument noun phrase that is clear from context does not need to appear in the clause and is not represented by a pronoun, so that even with ditransitive verbs taking two objects, typically only one object is overtly expressed.アイヌ語では文脈から明らかな名詞句は文中に現れる必要がなく、代名詞でも表されないため、2つの目的語をとる動詞であっても通常は一方のみが現れる。
The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 1
- Inherently locative object verbs like oma-re are limited in number, but applicative prefixes e- and o- can be productively added to any semantically compatible verb, especially in verse.omare のような本来的な場所目的語動詞の数は限られているが、動作適用接頭辞 e- および o- は意味が適合する任意の動詞に付加でき、特に韻文において極めて生産的な造語法である。
Chapters citing this source
Examples cited from this source
pon hekaci
be.small child
‘a small child’
pon hekaci
be.small child
‘a small child’
apkas utar arki ru-we ne
walk people come.PL track-POSS COP
‘The people who were walking came.’
ci a=e-p saranip or oma-re
cooked.food 4.A=eat-NMLZ basket LOC be.in-CAUS
‘She put the cooked food into the basket.’
Sentences of the first edition citing this source
- Ainu nouns divide into two classes in the syntax of spatial phrases ; . no page A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu
- Meaning is explicitly excluded from the classification — words designating properties are verbs, words denoting events can be nouns, and the same root may function in more than one class without derivation ; . 473 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- His English Handbook chapter adds a seventh by splitting auxiliary verbs out of particles. 473 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- A noun heads a noun phrase serving as a verb argument, does not occupy the predicate slot on its own, and carries at most one person affix — the possessive (transitive-subject) affix, not the nominative affix of verbs ; . 473, 480 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- Formal nouns (形式名詞, also called 名助詞 noun-particles) cannot head an NP without a preceding modifier and supply the nominal head of a nominalised clause ; . 480–482 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- The Handbook chapter splits auxiliary verbs into a seventh class on the grounds that they head predicates but cannot stand as independent words. 473 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- Words translating English adjectives — , , , , , — are all intransitive verbs ; ; ; ; . 474 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- Three arguments converge . 474–477 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- Morphologically, causative (-re/-e/-ka) and applicative (e-/o-/ko-) affixes attach to property words under the same semantic conditions as to action verbs — i-ruska 'be angry at something' uses the applicative on . 476 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- In attributive position, property words precede the noun with no morphological change, in the same slot occupied by relative-clause verbs: pon hekaci 'small child' has the same surface structure as arki utar 'people who came', where is unambiguously a verb . 475 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- The residual adjective-like behaviour — the split between the linkers wa and no in conjoined VPs — reduces to a semantic (static vs dynamic) distinction in the whole VP, not a difference in the part of speech of its head . 479 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- A diachronic proposal that the affiliative suffix -i derives from the formal noun is Nakagawa's own and flagged as a hypothesis ‹speculative›. 493 The Word-Class Inventory and the Noun/Verb Bipartition
- Within the class, four subclasses are distinguished by two crossing diagnostics: whether the form can stand alone as an NP argument, and whether it can serve as the head of a relative-clause structure ; . 480–482 Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns
- Kindaichi & Chiri used the terms 抽象形 (abstract form) and 具体形 (concrete form) for the same distinction ; the current terminology, following Nakagawa and the Bugaeva Handbook, replaces those labels without changing the underlying analysis ; . 484 Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns
- Four properties set them apart from common nouns ; : 490–491 Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns
- Proper nouns form no grammatically distinct class in Hokkaido Ainu: they are an open subset of common nouns, distinguished by reference type rather than by any morphological marker, case distinction, or definiteness operator ; . 483–484 Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns
- Personal pronouns — kani 'I', eani 'you (2SG)', coka 'we (exclusive)' — share the common-noun property of standing alone as NP arguments but differ from common nouns in that they cannot head relative clauses: there is no grammatical Ainu equivalent of English 'the I who is sleeping' . 482 Nominal Subclasses and Obligatorily-Possessed (Bound) Nouns
- Each must be preceded by a verb phrase, a prenominal, or — in one exceptional case — a bare noun, from which it draws its referential content ; . 480–482 The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur)
- Four properties distinguish formal nouns from the other noun subclasses as a group . 480–482 The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur)
- No self-relativization. A formal noun cannot serve as the head of a separate modifying clause in the ordinary sense: *pirka ruwe 'a good track (as NP)' and *pon kur 'a small person (as NP)' are ungrammatical as true relativizations, where an external clause predicates something of the formal noun itself . 480 The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur)
- Phonological fusion. p ~ pe and hi fuse prosodically with the preceding element, behaving synchronically like suffixes, even though each nominalizes the entire preceding VP rather than only the adjacent word . 481 The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur)
- Distribution asymmetry within the class. The antecedent constraint is not uniform: hi requires a VP antecedent; p ~ pe takes a VP or a prenominal but not a bare NP; utar exceptionally accepts a bare NP as well (cikappo utar 'small birds') ; . 482 The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur)
- The formal noun accepts only a VP antecedent and characteristically nominalizes the state of affairs described by the clause — the content-complement reading — without a missing argument . 482 The Formal / Defective Noun Set (ruwe, hawe, siri, humi, hi, pe, kur)
- Within the verbal class, Nakagawa organizes the subclasses along two partially independent axes: argument count (how many core nominal arguments the verb governs) and affix set (which portion of the person paradigm the verb admits) ; . 473 Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy
- No separate adjective class is warranted ; ; ; ; ‹consensus›. 474 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- Three independently sufficient lines of evidence converge on the verbal classification of property words ; . 474–476 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- pon hekaci 'small child' (property verb + noun ) deploys the same verb-before-noun construction as apkas utar arki ruwe ne 'the walking people came' (action verb prenominally) . 475 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- The causative suffix -re (and its allomorphs -e, -ka) attaches to property verb stems when the semantics licenses a causative reading, producing transitive counterparts exactly as it does from action intransitives . 476 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- Ainu intransitive verbs encode both the state and the transition into the state in a single form ; ; . 477 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- *hure ne for 'become red' and *poro ne for 'become big' are ungrammatical: the inchoative reading is already carried by the bare property verb, and the copula ne in that position constructs a nominal predicate ('be/become a —'), a structurally distinct construction treated in ; . 477 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- The three arguments above translate into a battery of formal diagnostics that separate property verbs from the other word classes in Nakagawa's inventory ; : 473 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- Nakagawa establishes a genuine adnoun class (連体詞) defined by morphosyntactic criteria: members modify a noun, cannot serve as a predicate, and take no person affix ; . 473 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- The predicate data, however, show that they take S-affixes like other property verbs; Nakagawa classifies them as verbs ; . 474 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- The term 用詞 is no longer in use; the merged class is simply 動詞 (verb) in current work ; . 474 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- demonstrates that the split tracks the static/dynamic semantic axis of the whole VP — it does not mark a part-of-speech boundary within the verbal system ‹consensus›. 479 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- In the typological survey of intransitive predication, languages range from those encoding property concepts in a dedicated open-class adjective (English, Russian) to those using a verbal strategy, where property words are simply intransitive stative verbs, to those using a nominal strategy ; . 474 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- Nakagawa draws the parallel explicitly: Ainu "adjectives" are verb-type — modifying a noun directly without an attributive morpheme — in contrast to the noun-type strategy where a linking particle or agreement marker intervenes . 475 The 'No Adjective Class' Thesis: Property Concepts as Stative Verbs
- The possessed-form suffix follows the same five-type conditioning that governs the general affiliative paradigm ; . 484 Deverbal and Denominal Noun Derivation (Lexical Nominalizer Morphology)
- Property words like 'be big' serve as noun modifiers — poro cep 'a big fish' — without any derivational suffix; word-class membership is assigned by the syntactic slot, not the form ; . 473 Deverbal and Denominal Noun Derivation (Lexical Nominalizer Morphology)
- utar belongs to the closed class of formal nouns — weakly autonomous items that form an NP only when preceded by another element ; . 481–482 Nominal Number: Transnumerality, -utar, and the Locus of Plurality
- Whereas hi ('thing/matter') takes only a VP host, and p/pe ('thing/one') takes a VP or prenominal, utar follows a VP, a bare common noun, or a prenominal — the only formal noun that can immediately follow a noun without an intervening predication ; . 482 Nominal Number: Transnumerality, -utar, and the Locus of Plurality
- Sources: ; . 482 Nominal Number: Transnumerality, -utar, and the Locus of Plurality
- The demonstrative system distinguishes two axes that Japanese conflates in a single この／その／あの series: on-site deixis (locating the referent in the shared perceptual field) and discourse-anaphoric deixis (tracking a previously mentioned referent) ; . 480 The Structure of the Noun Phrase
- In attributive position they immediately precede the head noun with no morphological change relative to their predicative form: the same pirka that takes a subject person index as a predicate appears zero-marked (third person) before the noun as its modifier ; . 474–476 The Structure of the Noun Phrase
- No relative pronoun or dedicated relative-clause morphology marks the construction; the head noun simply appears to the right of the modifying VP ; : 475 The Structure of the Noun Phrase
- Relativizability is restricted by noun subclass (表47, ): common nouns can be relativized; formal nouns head argument-saturated nominalizations; locative nouns cannot be relativized; pronouns cannot be relativized ‹consensus›. 482 The Structure of the Noun Phrase
- Two nouns in their concept forms placed in sequence yield either apposition or an attributive-scope construction — both realizations of the same N(concept)+N(concept) surface pattern ; . 486–487 The Structure of the Noun Phrase
- The diagnostic is substitution: an N₁ that is a true possessor can be replaced by a transitive-subject person prefix (a=kor cip 'my boat'), but an N₁ that is a mere attribute cannot — kamuy rus admits no person-prefix substitute for the bear . 486–487 The Structure of the Noun Phrase
- Three constructions express possession within the NP, selected according to the alienability of the relationship ; : 484–485 The Structure of the Noun Phrase
- The long form is more frequent in oral-narrative verse . 484 Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form
- These nouns — , , , , , and others catalogued below — are called locative nouns (位置名詞) in the Japanese-medium descriptive tradition ; ; . 478–480 Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms
- Evidence for the noun analysis. Relational nouns take person affixes in exactly the same slots and with exactly the same forms as other inalienably-possessed nouns (ku=or, ku=sam, ku=ka parallel ku=sapa 'my head', ku=tek 'my hand'); they appear in the possessed (affiliative) form under possession, following the same morphophonological rules as the inalienable class (; ). 478–480 Relational and Spatial (Locative) Nouns and Their Possessed Forms
- The case-system argument rests on three properties ; . 473–475 Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental
- Nakagawa counters with the observation that the same speaker, in the same session, produces three distinct orderings of the three arguments of the four-place verb epakasnu 'teach', all describing the same scene: 'my wife taught our daughter women's work' ; reproduced in English in : no page Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax
- Bugaeva independently states the same finding: Ainu "does not show the syntactic relations subject and object either by case marking or by word order" ‹contested›. no page Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax
- (ch.14) documents the resolution: what disambiguates the roles is the location-class status of a noun. no page Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
- The contrast with Nivkh is instructive: Nivkh also lacks case on S/O but fixes the object immediately preverbal and signals it by a consonant mutation; Ainu uses neither device, relying on indexing and the location class instead . no page Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
- Three utterances by the same speaker describing the same scene place the three arguments of epakasnu 'teach' in three different preverbal sequences, all translating as 'my wife taught our daughter women's work' ; reproduced in English at : exx. 71–73 Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
- Bugaeva, drawing on the same data, states that Ainu "does not show its subject and object either by case marking or by word order" . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
- Nakagawa observes that languages with SOV order that mark neither subject nor object by case nor by fixed position "are probably relatively rare"; he cites Nivkh as the nearest geographic neighbour and notes that Nivkh compensates with obligatory immediately-preverbal object position plus a consonant-mutation dependency, while Ainu does neither . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
- Nakagawa's Chitose example [ci a=e-p] [saranip or] oma-re 'she put the cooked food into the basket' shows the mechanism: the NP saranip or (basket + locative or) is unambiguously the Goal because it contains a locative noun, leaving the other NP as Theme; without or, the two basket-and-food NPs would be ambiguous . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
- When one argument is a locative noun or a noun modified by a locative element (or, sam, etc.), it is unambiguously the Location argument, leaving the other NP as Theme or Patient . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
- As Nakagawa states in the Handbook chapter on parts of speech, "the element that occupies the predicate position in Ainu is invariably a verb phrase and the head of the verb phrase is a verb or an auxiliary verb" . 474 Oblique and Adjunct Syntax; Verbless and Presentational Clauses
- The copula ne and the existential an/oka are obligatory in their respective predication environments and cannot be structurally omitted to yield a bare-nominal or bare-locative predicate ; ; . 474 Oblique and Adjunct Syntax; Verbless and Presentational Clauses
- Without ne, a sequence of two noun phrases does not constitute a grammatical clause; the element occupying the predicate position in Ainu is always a verbal head . 474 The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses
- Refsing describes the copula as covering "the equative and attributive meanings of the copula" without filling existential or locative roles ; . 474 The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses
- ne carries no morphological mark for change of state: it covers both 'be X' and 'become X', a duality shared by other Ainu verbs including the existential an . 477 The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses
- Classificational/specificational typology. The sources consulted use "equative" and "attributive/class-membership" as the descriptive labels for the semantic range of ne ; . 474 The Copula ne and Predicate-Nominal Clauses
- Both animate and inanimate subjects appear with them: a single verb covers the domain that Japanese divides between いる (animate) and ある (inanimate), so that 'there is a big house' and 'a person is there' are expressed by the same predicate ; ; . 474 Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka)
- The stative reading 'exist, be located, live' alternates with an inchoative one: paykar an 'spring comes / it becomes spring' and kunneywa an 'it becomes morning' show the onset-of-existence value ; . 477 Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka)
- The clause cape pon 'the cat is small' is structurally parallel to cape hoyupu 'the cat ran': in both, a bare intransitive verb is the entire predicate ; . 474–475 Property-Concept (Adjectival) Predication without a Copula
- This is structurally parallel to a prenominal relative clause in Ainu, where the predicate verb likewise immediately precedes the head noun ; see : 475 Property-Concept (Adjectival) Predication without a Copula
- Like other Ainu verbs, property-concept words encode both the state ('be X') and its onset ('become X') without distinct forms; context determines the reading ; . 477 Property-Concept (Adjectival) Predication without a Copula
- Chiri's reanalysis (, summarized in ) proposed the 用詞 category — a class of stative verbs covering property meanings — and collapsed the distinction. 478 Property-Concept (Adjectival) Predication without a Copula
- All subsequent major grammars of Hokkaido Ainu adopt that position: classifies property words as a semantically defined subclass of verbs without a distinct morphosyntactic status; notes that property words take "the same personal affixes" as intransitive verbs; places them within his four-verb-type classification as a stative subtype; and provides the most detailed argument, covering all three diagnostic dimensions ‹consensus›. 474–478 Property-Concept (Adjectival) Predication without a Copula
- All three non-dynamic predicate types share a static ⇄ inchoative duality that is read off context without dedicated morphology: ne covers both 'be X' and 'become X', an/oka(y) both 'exist' and 'appear/come into being', and property verbs both 'be big' and 'grow big' ; ; . 477 TAM, Evidentiality, and Negation on Nonverbal Predicates
- The divergence between property-verb negation (somo V / V ka somo ki) and copula negation (X ka somo ne) is the direct morphosyntactic reflex of the difference in predicate class: the copula is a special 2-place verb with an idiosyncratic negation frame, while property verbs are ordinary intransitives ; . 474–475 TAM, Evidentiality, and Negation on Nonverbal Predicates
- Role is resolved without case marking or fixed word order ; . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
- The attested test case from Nakagawa's Handbook chapter is the contrast between saranip or oma-re 'put into the basket' (where or flags the goal) and the ambiguous saranip oma-re without it, where the basket could be either theme or goal . no page Reference Tracking and Argument Continuity
- Hokkaido Ainu adverbs modify verb phrases, carry arity zero — they neither serve as predicate heads nor fill argument slots — and take no nominative person prefix ; . 473 Adverbs, Degree Words, and Comparison Strategies
- Kindaichi, who did posit an adjective class, treated these same forms as adjective-derived adverbials ; in the modern analysis the derivation is uniform verb → adverb . 474 Adverbs, Degree Words, and Comparison Strategies
- At the lower end of degree, — a stative property verb meaning 'be small' — is used prenominally (pon hekaci 'small child', ) and, in its adverbial bare-conversion use, as a diminutive degree modifier meaning 'a little, slightly' ‹corpus-suggested›. 475 Adverbs, Degree Words, and Comparison Strategies
- The analysis follows directly from the no-adjective-class thesis: because property-concept words are intransitive verbs, they carry no adjectival inflection and therefore no comparative inflection ; . 474 Adverbs, Degree Words, and Comparison Strategies