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Bugaeva 2006

Bugaeva, Anna (2006). Applicatives in Ainu.

db.aynu.org/2006-bugaeva-anna-applicatives-in-ainu prior-analysis general text held locally OCR gemini-3-flash-preview: 12 leaves, 9 with a printed page

31chapters citing
47citing sentences
2examples
34statements extracted
31claims with a stance

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Grouped by topic. The stance is this source's; the other sources that assert, propose, doubt or reject the same claim are listed after it.

The e- Applicative 2

  1. e-適用詞は周辺的な斜格関係だけでなく主題-被影響者や内容といった中核的・非周辺的な役割も付加することができ、非使役的な他動詞化として機能する。
    asserts
  2. 内容の意図役割を表す e- 適用形は、アイヌ語の適用詞のあらゆる意味分類の中で最も生産性が高い。
    asserts

The ko- Applicative 1

  1. 適用詞接頭辞o-は場所の意味を持つ名詞のみを指すのに対し、ko-は主に人や動物を指す「非場所」名詞に用いられる(ただし場所名詞もko-で使用可能である)。
    asserts

The o- Applicative 1

  1. 適用接頭辞 o- は自動詞 ahun「入る」に付加して他動詞 o-ahun を派生し、着点(Allative/Goal)の参与者を中核目的語へと昇格させる。
    asserts

Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization 1

  1. 適用詞接頭辞ko-とe-は同一動詞語幹上でいずれの順序(ko-e-またはe-ko-)でも共起し、それぞれ異なる参与者を昇格させることができる。
    asserts

The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 13

  1. アイヌ語の適用動詞は基底動詞に接頭辞 e-, ko-, o- を付加することによって派生される。
    asserts 2 statements
  2. 適用接頭辞の統語的機能は動詞の項価を増加させることであり、具体的な意味解釈は基底動詞の語彙的意味に依存する。
    asserts 2 statements
  3. 主題・被影響者、受話者、受領者、受益者、迷惑被影響者を表すものを含め、e- および ko- 適用構文の大部分には後置詞による非適用構文の言い換えが存在せず、義務的である。
    asserts 2 statements
  4. アイヌ語において適用詞動詞は全動詞の約3分の1を占め、これはアイヌ語語彙全体の最大7%に相当する。
    asserts
  5. アイヌ語では3つの適用詞標識のすべてにおいて、自動詞語幹から派生した適用詞動詞のほうが他動詞語幹から派生したものよりもはるかに多数である。
    asserts
  6. 3つの適用詞接頭辞は結合価を増加させる統語的役割を持ち、自動詞を他動詞に(S=A)、他動詞を2つの無標識目的語をとる二重目的語動詞へと変化させる。
    asserts
  7. 適用接頭辞 e- は斜格関係(受益者、道具、場所)を目的語に昇格させるだけでなく、主題・被影響者や内容といった中核的な役割をも付加することができ、非使役的他動詞化として機能する。
    asserts
  8. 受取手や受話者と区別される本来の受益者は、アイヌ語適用詞の適用目的語において最も一般的な意味役割ではない。
    asserts
  9. 適用詞接頭辞の意味範囲は部分的に重複しており、ko-に一般的な意味(受益者、共同者、被害者)が動詞によってはe-で表されたり、e-に一般的な意味(原因、範囲、目的、場所)がko-で表されたりすることがある。
    asserts
  10. 適用詞接頭辞ko-、e-、o-は、結合価減少手段(相互接頭辞u-、再帰接頭辞yay-およびsi-、逆受動接頭辞i-、名詞抱合)や使役接尾辞(-re/-e/-te、-ke、-ka)と共起することができる。
    asserts
  11. 適用詞接頭辞は複合接頭辞を形成することができ、共同 uko-「一緒に」や yayko-「自分で」などが存在する。
    asserts
  12. アイヌ語における適用構文の大半は、類型論的な典型的一般適用構文から著しく逸脱している。
    asserts
  13. アイヌ語の3つの適用詞接頭辞の頻度は、ko-、e-、o-の順に減少する。
    asserts

Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 1

  1. アイヌ語の基本語順はSOVである。
    asserts asserts: bugaeva2022, shibatani1990 4 statements

First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 2

  1. 肯定節において、一人称複数除外の動詞一致は3分割型アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語 ci=、自動詞主語 =as、目的語 un= がそれぞれ区別される。
    asserts asserts: bugaeva2008, bugaeva2022 3 statements
  2. 肯定節において、一人称複数包括の動詞一致は3分割型アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語 a=、自動詞主語 =an、目的語 i= がそれぞれ区別される。
    asserts asserts: bugaeva2008 2 statements

First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=) 2

  1. 2人称の動詞一致はA・S・Oの区別のない中立型アラインメントに従い、単数を e=、複数を eci= で標示する。
    asserts asserts: bugaeva2008 2 statements
  2. 1人称単数の動詞一致は主格・対格型アラインメントを示し、主語(AおよびS)を ku= で、目的語(O)を en= で標示する。
    asserts asserts: bugaeva2008 2 statements

Honorific and Logophoric Uses of the Fourth Person 1

  1. 北海道南部方言において、包括の人称接辞および包括代名詞 aoka は引用文脈において対数詞(ロゴフォリック)機能で一般的に用いられる。
    asserts

Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 1

  1. 述語上に主語および目的語の人称と数が義務的に標示されるため、主語および目的語位置の人称代名詞は頻繁に省略される。
    asserts

The Structure of the Noun Phrase 1

  1. 名詞および人称代名詞は格変化しない。
    asserts

Object Indexing: Monotransitive and Ditransitive Clauses 1

  1. 動詞の一致標識が最大2つに制限されるため、3価動詞は2つの目的語のうち一方のみを標示し、有標の1・2人称が優先される。
    asserts

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 1

  1. 動詞一致において3人称の項はゼロ標示される。
    asserts asserts: bugaeva2015, bugaeva2008 3 statements

Simultaneous kor 'while' and Overlapping-Event Clauses 1

  1. korは後置詞的格助詞ではなく、2つの述語を接続する助詞である。
    asserts

A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu 1

  1. アイヌ語は複統合的、膠着型で、従属部標示の要素をごくわずかしか持たない主部標示優勢の言語である。
    asserts

Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy 1

  1. アイヌ語において他動詞と自動詞は統語的にも形態的にも区別される。
    asserts asserts: bugaeva2008 2 statements

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate 16

  1. The majority of e- and ko- applicative constructions, including those expressing Theme-Patient, Addressee, Recipient, Benefactive, and Malefactive roles, have no non-applicative paraphrases and are therefore obligatory.
    主題・動作対象、受話者、受領者、受益者、迷惑を表す構文を含め、e- および ko- 適用構文の大部分には非適用構文の言い換えが存在せず、したがって義務的である。
    leaf 8 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-ko-
  2. Applicatives in Ainu are derived by means of the prefixes e-, ko-, and o-.
    アイヌ語の適用形は接頭辞 e-、ko-、o- によって派生される。
    leaf 12 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-ko-o-
  3. The syntactic role of the applicative prefixes is valency-increasing, while their concrete semantic interpretation depends on the lexical meaning of the base verb.
    適用接頭辞の統語的役割はそれ自体で価標を増加させることであり、具体的な意味は基底動詞の語彙的意味によって変化し得る。
    leaf 12 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-ko-o-
  4. The applicative prefix e- can promote oblique relations (Benefactive, Instrument, Location) to object, and can also add non-peripheral roles such as Theme-Patient or Content, thereby functioning as non-causative transitivization.
    適用接頭辞 e- は斜格関係(受益者、道具、場所)を目的語に昇格させるだけでなく、主題・被影響者や内容といった中核的な役割をも付加することができ、非使役的他動詞化として機能する。
    leaf 12 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-
  5. The majority of e- and ko- applicative constructions, including Theme-Patient, Addressee, Recipient, Benefactive, and Malefactive constructions, lack non-applicative paraphrases with postpositional particles and are therefore obligatory.
    主題・被影響者、受話者、受領者、受益者、迷惑被影響者の構文を含む e- および ko- 適用形構文の大部分には後置詞による非適用形の言換えが存在せず、したがって義務的である。
    leaf 12 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-ko-
  6. Applicatives in Ainu are derived by means of the prefixes e-, ko-, and o-.
    アイヌ語の適用形は接頭辞 e-, ko-, o- によって派生される。
    p. 185 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-ko-o-
  7. The syntactic function of the applicative prefixes is inherently valency-increasing, while the specific meaning varies depending on the base verb's lexical meaning.
    適用接頭辞の統語的機能はそれ自体として項価を増大させることであり、具体的な意味は基底動詞の語彙的意味に応じて異なる。
    p. 185 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-ko-o-
  8. The majority of applicative constructions in Ainu deviate considerably from the typologically prototypical applicative construction.
    アイヌ語における適用構文の大半は、類型論的な典型的一般適用構文から著しく逸脱している。
    p. 187 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
  9. Applicative verbs constitute approximately one third of all verbs in Ainu, accounting for up to 7% of the entire Ainu lexicon.
    アイヌ語において適用詞動詞は全動詞の約3分の1を占め、これはアイヌ語語彙全体の最大7%に相当する。
    p. 188 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
  10. The relative frequency of the three Ainu applicative prefixes diminishes in the order ko-, e-, and o-.
    アイヌ語の3つの適用詞接頭辞の頻度は、ko-、e-、o-の順に減少する。
    p. 188 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ko-e-o-
  11. The applicative prefixes ko-, e-, and o- can co-occur with valency-decreasing morphology (reciprocal u-, reflexives yay- and si-, antipassive i-, and noun incorporation) and with causative suffixes (-re/-e/-te, -ke, -ka).
    適用詞接頭辞ko-、e-、o-は、結合価減少手段(相互接頭辞u-、再帰接頭辞yay-およびsi-、逆受動接頭辞i-、名詞抱合)や使役接尾辞(-re/-e/-te、-ke、-ka)と共起することができる。
    p. 188 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ko-e-o-u-yay-si-i--re
  12. Applicative prefixes combine into complex prefixes such as sociative uko- 'together' and yayko- 'by oneself'.
    適用詞接頭辞は複合接頭辞を形成することができ、共同 uko-「一緒に」や yayko-「自分で」などが存在する。
    p. 188 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu uko-yayko-
  13. The three applicative prefixes increase valency by converting intransitive verbs into transitives (with S=A) and transitives into ditransitives with two unmarked objects.
    3つの適用詞接頭辞は結合価を増加させる統語的役割を持ち、自動詞を他動詞に(S=A)、他動詞を2つの無標識目的語をとる二重目的語動詞へと変化させる。
    p. 188 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ko-e-o-
  14. In Ainu, applicatives derived from intransitive bases are much more numerous than those derived from transitive bases across all three applicative markers.
    アイヌ語では3つの適用詞標識のすべてにおいて、自動詞語幹から派生した適用詞動詞のほうが他動詞語幹から派生したものよりもはるかに多数である。
    leaf 5 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ko-e-o-
  15. Benefactive proper (distinct from Recipient and Addressee) is not the most common semantic role of the applied object in Ainu applicatives.
    受取手や受話者と区別される本来の受益者は、アイヌ語適用詞の適用目的語において最も一般的な意味役割ではない。
    leaf 5 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
  16. The semantic ranges of the applicative prefixes partially overlap, such that meanings typical of ko- (benefactive, comitative, malefactive) may occasionally be expressed by e- on some verbs, and meanings typical of e- (cause, range, purpose, location) may occasionally be expressed by ko-.
    適用詞接頭辞の意味範囲は部分的に重複しており、ko-に一般的な意味(受益者、共同者、被害者)が動詞によってはe-で表されたり、e-に一般的な意味(原因、範囲、目的、場所)がko-で表されたりすることがある。
    p. 191 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ko-e-

The e- Applicative 2

  1. The e- applicatives expressing the semantic role of Content are the most productive of all semantic classes of applicatives in Ainu.
    内容の意図役割を表す e- 適用形は、アイヌ語の適用詞のあらゆる意味分類の中で最も生産性が高い。
    leaf 8 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-
  2. Applicatives in e- can introduce fundamental non-peripheral roles such as Theme-Patient or Content as well as peripheral oblique relations, thereby functioning as a non-causative transitivizer.
    e-適用詞は周辺的な斜格関係だけでなく主題-被影響者や内容といった中核的・非周辺的な役割も付加することができ、非使役的な他動詞化として機能する。
    p. 191 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e-

A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu 1

  1. Ainu is a polysynthetic, agglutinating, predominantly head-marking language with only limited dependent-marking features.
    アイヌ語は複統合的、膠着型で、従属部標示の要素をごくわずかしか持たない主部標示優勢の言語である。
    p. 185 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax 1

  1. The basic word order in Ainu is SOV.
    アイヌ語の基本語順はSOVである。
    p. 185 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy 1

  1. Transitive and intransitive verbs in Ainu are distinguished both syntactically and morphologically.
    アイヌ語における他動詞と自動詞の区別は、統語的にも形態的にも異なり極めて重要である。
    p. 185 analysis asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=) 2

  1. In affirmative clauses, first-person plural exclusive verbal agreement displays a tripartite alignment where transitive subject ci=, intransitive subject =as, and object un= are each distinguished.
    肯定節において、1人称複数除外の動詞一致は3分割型アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語 ci=、自動詞主語 =as、目的語 un= がそれぞれ区別される。
    p. 185 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ci==asun=
  2. In affirmative clauses, first-person plural inclusive verbal agreement displays a tripartite alignment where transitive subject a=, intransitive subject =an, and object i= are each distinguished.
    肯定節において、1人称複数包括の動詞一致は3分割型アラインメントを示し、他動詞主語 a=、自動詞主語 =an、目的語 i= がそれぞれ区別される。
    p. 185 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu a==ani=

Honorific and Logophoric Uses of the Fourth Person 1

  1. In South Hokkaido dialects, the inclusive affixes and inclusive pronoun aoka are commonly used in logophoric function in quotational contexts.
    北海道南部方言において、包括の人称接辞および包括代名詞 aoka は引用文脈において対数詞(ロゴフォリック)機能で一般的に用いられる。
    p. 185 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitosehokkaido/southwest/saru aoka

First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=) 2

  1. Second-person verbal agreement follows a neutral alignment with no distinction between A, S, and O, marking 2SG with e= and 2PL with eci=.
    2人称の動詞一致はA・S・Oの区別のない中立型アラインメントに従い、2人称単数は e=、2人称複数は eci= で標示される。
    p. 186 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu e=eci=
  2. First-person singular verbal agreement shows a nominative/accusative alignment, distinguishing subject ku= (A=S) from object en= (O).
    1人称単数の動詞一致は主格・対格型アラインメントを示し、主語 ku=(A=S)と目的語 en=(O)が区別される。
    p. 186 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ku=en=

Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms 1

  1. Third person is zero-marked in verbal agreement.
    動詞一致において3人称はゼロ標示である。
    p. 186 paradigm-cell asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Structure of the Noun Phrase 1

  1. Nouns and personal pronouns do not inflect for case.
    名詞および人称代名詞は格変化しない。
    p. 186 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate 1

  1. Personal pronouns in subject and object positions are frequently omitted because the person and number of subject and object are obligatorily marked on predicates.
    主語および目的語の人称と数は述語上に一致標識によって義務的に標示されるため、主語および目的語位置の人称代名詞は頻繁に省略される。
    p. 186 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The o- Applicative 1

  1. The applicative prefix o- attaches to the intransitive verb ahun 'enter' to yield a transitive verb o-ahun, promoting an allative/Goal participant to a core object.
    適用接頭辞 o- は自動詞 ahun「入る」に付加して他動詞 o-ahun を派生し、着点(Allative/Goal)の参与者を中核目的語へと昇格させる。
    p. 187 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu o-ahuno-ahun

Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization 1

  1. The applicative prefixes ko- and e- can co-occur in the same slot of a verbal stem as ko-e- or e-ko-, applying to different entities.
    適用詞接頭辞ko-とe-は動詞語幹の同位置クラスで共起してko-e-やe-ko-となり、異なる対象に適用されうる。
    p. 188 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ko-e-e-ko-

Object Indexing: Monotransitive and Ditransitive Clauses 1

  1. An Ainu verb cannot take more than two agreement markers, so a ditransitive verb takes the subject agreement marker and the object agreement marker for only one of the objects, prioritizing 1st- or 2nd-person objects.
    アイヌ語の動詞は2つを超える一致標識を取ることができないため、3価動詞は主語一致標識と2つの目的語のうち一方のみの目的語一致標識を取り、有標の一致標識を持つ1人称または2人称の目的語が優先される。
    p. 188 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Simultaneous kor 'while' and Overlapping-Event Clauses 1

  1. The element kor is not a postpositional case particle, but a particle that conjoins two predicates.
    korは後置詞的格助詞ではなく、2つの述語を接続する助詞である。
    p. 190 membership asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kor

The ko- Applicative 1

  1. The applicative prefix o- refers exclusively to nouns with the meaning of place, whereas ko- is primarily used with non-place nouns referring to persons or animals, though place nouns are also possible with ko-.
    適用詞接頭辞o-は場所の意味を持つ名詞のみを指すのに対し、ko-は主に人や動物を指す「非場所」名詞に用いられる(ただし場所名詞もko-で使用可能である)。
    p. 191 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu o-ko-

Chapters citing this source

Chapter topicCitations
The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate48
The ko- Applicative17
The e- Applicative16
The o- Applicative9
Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization4
First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=)4
Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate4
First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=)4
Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview2
A Typological Profile of Hokkaido Ainu2
Basic Constituent Order and Head-Final Syntax2
Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy2
Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity2
Honorific and Logophoric Uses of the Fourth Person2
Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms2
Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate2
Object Indexing: Monotransitive and Ditransitive Clauses2
Simultaneous kor 'while' and Overlapping-Event Clauses2
The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research1
Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization1
External Possession and Possessor Raising1
The Reciprocal u-1
Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways1
First-Person Narration, the Logophoric Fourth Person, and Reported Discourse1
The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism1
The Structure of the Noun Phrase1
Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns1
Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order1
The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template1
Postpositions, Local Case, Motion Events, Comitative, and Instrumental1
The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs1

Examples cited from this source

ku=e-ko-isoytak
1SG.A=APPL-APPL-narrate
‘I narrate to (someone) about (something).’
p. 188 constructed applicative-ko
e-ko-isoytak
APPL-APPL-speak
‘tell stories to someone about something’

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

  1. Her work on Ainu applicatives provided a cross-linguistically situated analysis of the three applicative prefixes e-, ko-, and o-; her analysis of the antipassive placed Ainu within the comparative typology of antipassive constructions; and her work on possession and causatives has refined the standard valency analysis. no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
  2. The applicative prefixes , , and open the prosodic word as a light (CV) σ1 when they attach to a base ; . no page Accent in Compounds and under Affixation and Cliticization
  3. The applicative prefixes , , and each increase a verb's arity by one, promoting a peripheral participant — possessor, beneficiary, goal, or source — into the direct-object position ; ; . 813 External Possession and Possessor Raising
  4. The applicatives e-, ko-, and o- add a non-agent participant to the object set, turning an intransitive into a transitive and a transitive into a double-object verb ; . 188 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
  5. Their applied objects range well beyond a narrow instrumental or benefactive: Bugaeva’s role tables cover content, theme-patient, instrument, location, range, addressee, goal, comitative, benefactive, malefactive, recipient, source, and purpose . 188–196 Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
  6. The three prefixes , , and are valency-increasing derivational morphemes that promote a semantically peripheral participant to the status of a direct object, in the sense established for applicative constructions cross-linguistically ; ; . 186 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  7. Each of the three applicatives raises arity by one: an intransitive base (vi, one argument) becomes a transitive (vt, two arguments), and a transitive base becomes a ditransitive (vd, three arguments) ; . 188 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  8. Bugaeva's corpus study of Chitose and Saru applicatives maps the three prefixes onto instruments, locations, goals, comitatives, benefactives, malefactives, recipients, sources, themes, content, causes, paths, and purposes . 187–196 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  9. Bugaeva's corpus tables place Means-Instrument with e- (13% of its uses) and record no instrument class for ko- ; the divergence is one of classification granularity rather than of data. 190 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  10. The lexical frequency order is ko- > e- > o- . 188 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  11. Bugaeva's (2006) role classification of the Chitose/Saru corpus sample yields two findings that bear on typological interpretation . 188–196 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  12. Second, 75–96% of e- applied objects across roles derive from intransitive bases, meaning the applicative is introducing a new core object rather than re-encoding a participant that already had an object-like coding . 190–191 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  13. Bugaeva calls the Content-adding use of e- the most productive class and 'very typical in its atypicality' precisely because it sits outside the promotional prototype ; . 186–187, 191–196 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  14. For ko-, Addressee (20%), Goal (19%), Comitative (18%), and Benefactive (18%) together account for three-quarters of applied-object tokens; Source and Recipient each contribute 5%, with the remainder across Cause, Range, and Location . 190 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  15. The o- distribution is narrowest: locative roles (Goal-into-place 57%, Location 29%, Source/Theme 14%) cover all attested instances, all paraphrasable by ta / un 'at/to' . 191 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  16. The derivation → e-ikka 'steal something (vt)' → ko-e-ikka 'steal something from someone (vd)' illustrates the Content-adding step followed by a second applicative layer . 191 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  17. ko- covers the roles associated with an animate or non-spatial goal: Addressee, Goal, Comitative, Benefactive, Malefactive, Recipient, and Source are all represented in Bugaeva's sample ; . 190 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  18. The diagnostic contrast with o- is the type of goal argument: ko- preferentially takes person or animal goals, while o- is restricted to place nouns ; . 191 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  19. Across the lexicon, the applicatives are pervasive: Bugaeva estimates roughly one-third of all verbs are applicative-derived, amounting to up to 7% of the entire Ainu lexicon, and characterizes them as 'productive, ubiquitous, and versatile' . 188 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  20. The typological rarity of productive applicatives as a grammatical system in Eurasian languages — closest parallels in certain Caucasian languages and Burushaski — was already remarked upon in this early literature and confirmed by Bugaeva's later cross-linguistic survey ; . 185 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  21. The modern English term 'applicative' and the object-promotion analysis of e-, ko-, and o- are established in Bugaeva (2006, 2010) and consolidated in the Handbook ; ; . no page The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  22. The older 'case-relation prefix' terminology and the 'preverb' framing encountered for cognate categories in some other languages do not figure as active analytical positions in the recent Ainu literature: Bugaeva (2006), the Handbook, Nakagawa (2024), and Satō (2008) adopt the applicative analysis consistently, and the terminological variation reflects a historical shift in descriptive vocabulary rather than a substantive analytical disagreement among the current sources ; ‹consensus›. 185–186 The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
  23. Its function is to add one participant to the verb's argument set: an intransitive becomes transitive and a transitive becomes a double-object verb, consistently raising arity by one regardless of the semantic role of the added argument ; . 186–188 The e- Applicative
  24. Among the three applicatives, ko- is the most frequent, followed by e- and then o-; by Bugaeva's estimate, applicative-derived verbs account for roughly one-third of all Ainu verbs and up to seven percent of the total lexicon . 188 The e- Applicative
  25. Bugaeva's corpus study of the Chitose and Saru dialects supplies percentage figures across all attested applied-object roles . 190 The e- Applicative
  26. These roles correspond to Nakagawa's type (3): the applied object has no adpositional paraphrase, and e- here functions as direct transitivization rather than oblique promotion ; . 191 The e- Applicative
  27. The derivational chain → e-ikka 'steal something' → ko-e-ikka 'steal something from someone' illustrates successive applicativization: each step adds one argument . 191 The e- Applicative
  28. Bugaeva draws a typological inference from these data: most Ainu e- applicatives are the only grammatical means of expressing a given participant relation, so they are obligatory in the sense that the cross-linguistic option of an adpositional alternative simply does not exist . 187, 191–196 The e- Applicative
  29. Bugaeva treats all three markers as applicatives throughout and positions the older labels — 充当相 (Kindaichi and Chiri 1936) and case-prefix 格の関係を表わす接頭辞 (Chiri 1942) — as historical precursors rather than competing analyses ; . 186 The e- Applicative
  30. In , e- contributes the Content applied object (the stories told) and ko- the Addressee (the person addressed) ; . 188 The e- Applicative
  31. The prefix adds a participant — typically a goal, recipient, addressee, or comitative partner — to the argument frame of the verb as a new core object, raising arity by one ; . 186, 188 The ko- Applicative
  32. Bugaeva's Saru and Chitose corpus places the order ko- > e- > o- by token frequency; taken together, applicative verbs account for roughly one-third of all verbs and up to seven percent of the entire Ainu lexicon . 188 The ko- Applicative
  33. Bugaeva's systematic role-by-role classification of ko- tokens in her Saru and Chitose sample yields the distribution in Table 1 . 190 The ko- Applicative
  34. For the Comitative role, where the postposition tura 'together with' offers a paraphrase, the applicative construction promotes the companion to the object slot and makes it indexable by the object person-prefix . 191 The ko- Applicative
  35. The Recipient and Source categories (5% each) stand out for their predominantly transitive base verbs (66%), a profile consistent with transfer and extraction verbs rather than the one-place motion verbs that feed the Goal uses (95% intransitive base) . 190 The ko- Applicative
  36. The pair versus makes the semantic split explicit: ko- takes the human target of the gratitude (Addressee), e- takes the content — the thing one is thankful for — both with the same base ; . 190 The ko- Applicative
  37. At their boundary the Malefactive category (6%) shades into adversative uses: the applied object is the entity against whose interest the action runs, most commonly derived from intransitive bases (86%), consistent with the pattern of adding a new human object to a one-place activity verb . 190 The ko- Applicative
  38. When both prefixes appear on the same verb, e- adds its Content or Instrument applied object and ko- adds its Addressee or Recipient applied object; the orders ko-e- and e-ko- are both attested with no reported semantic difference ; . 188 The ko- Applicative
  39. A sequential applicativisation of the same type underlies : base ikka 'steal (vi)' → e-ikka 'steal something (vt, e- adds the stolen item)' → ko-e-ikka 'steal something from someone (vd, ko- adds the Source)' . 191 The ko- Applicative
  40. Its function is to promote a place-denoting noun into the verb's argument set as a direct object, raising arity by one: a base intransitive becomes transitive and a base transitive becomes a ditransitive ; . 186–188 The o- Applicative
  41. The applied object of o- is always a spatial noun — a goal, a location, or a source — never an animate participant, which separates it from ko- ; . 191 The o- Applicative
  42. Bugaeva's corpus study of the Chitose and Saru dialects supplies a role breakdown for the applied objects of o- . 191 The o- Applicative
  43. Bugaeva's lexical frequency order is ko- > e- > o- . 188 The o- Applicative
  44. The ablative から sense is thus registered by Nakagawa himself, against the narrower goal-and-location-only formulation that Bugaeva reports from his earlier work ; the place restriction is unaffected — all three senses take place nouns only. 191 The o- Applicative
  45. With , the difference in applied object type triggers the choice of prefix: the place goal takes o-, the animate goal takes ko- ; . 191 The o- Applicative
  46. uko- is commoner than uwe- in Saru texts, reflecting the higher productivity of ko- as an applicative . 188 The Reciprocal u-
  47. They are treated functionally in and individually in , , ; and remain the primary analytical references. no page Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways