Chapter 75Lexical Verb Pairs and Causative -ka
Root-based forming suffixes, motion causatives, regional -ka variation, derived bases, and competing classifications of causative morphology.
75.1 Related verbs and forming suffixes
Some intransitive and transitive verbs share a root but have different endings. Nakagawa analyzes the endings in the following pairs as verb-forming suffixes. In this account, the suffixes themselves have no independent arity: each combines with a root to form a verb Nakagawa (2024: 199, table 38).
| Intransitive | Transitive | Meaning contrast |
|---|---|---|
| rew-ke | rew-e | Bend / bend something |
| yas-ke | yas-a | Tear / tear something |
| mak-ke | mak-a | Open / open something |
| per-ke | per-e | Split / split something |
Other pairs have a bare intransitive member: tuy / tuy-e “be cut / cut,” kay / kay-e “break / break something,” as / as-i “stand / stand something up,” and yak / yak-u “be crushed / crush” Nakagawa (2024: 199, table 39). The transitive vowel is partly patterned but is not fully predictable from the root's vowels Bugaeva (2014: 130–131).
75.2 Motion causatives with -ke
The ending -ke also forms transitive motion verbs. Its argument effect here differs from its role in the intransitive members of the preceding table Nakagawa (2024: 199, 201–202); Refsing (1986: 188–189).
The singular/plural motion pairs include ahun-ke / ahup-te, ran-ke / rap-te, san-ke / sap-te, and yan-ke / yap-te Satō (2008: 236–237). These patterns are lexical and regional. Nakagawa notes, for example, that Saru asinke has a restricted meaning and that the corresponding asipte is uncertain there Nakagawa (2024: 149, notes 13–14).
75.3 The distribution of -ka
Nakagawa lists -ka formations including retar-ka “whiten,” iunin-ka “cause pain,” us-ka “extinguish,” teyne-ka “wet,” and een-ka “sharpen,” with different dialect distributions Nakagawa (2024: 202, table 43). Satō's Chitose account groups -ka among causative endings while explicitly listing exceptions to suffix selection by the stem's final sound Satō (2008: 235–237).
The geographical generalization is disputed. Bugaeva describes stronger use of -ka in northeastern Hokkaido and Sakhalin and proposes replacement by the productive causative in southwestern varieties. Nakagawa finds no clear region in which -ka predominates Bugaeva (2014: 135–136, 144); Nakagawa (2024: 202) ‹contested›. Kobayashi reports both inter-dialect differences and alternatives within Saru, including nam-te / nam-ka Kobayashi (2015: 34).
75.4 Why the classifications differ
Bugaeva groups vowel endings, -ke, and -ka among nonproductive direct causatives. Her broader category relates their meanings and syntactic behavior to productive causation Bugaeva (2014: 130–134, 143–144). Kobayashi distinguishes vowel and -ke formation from causative -ka, citing regional substitution, local alternatives, and attachment to already derived bases Kobayashi (2015: 33–35) ‹contested›.
‘Because I felt sorry about making my son go hungry, …’
Kobayashi 2015: 34 n. 19; Saru, Kimura Kimi corpus K7803231UP, cited through Nakagawa and Bugaeva 2012 by Kobayashi
Kobayashi gives the analysis ipe-rusuy-ka in the surrounding discussion. Person glosses here follow the transitive argument roles.
Kobayashi also analyzes ar-us-tek-ka and leaves the precise status of tek open Kobayashi (2015: 34). These formations support his distinction without establishing that every derived base accepts -ka.
75.5 Other formations with kar
Nakagawa records transitivizing formations in -kar, including peray-kar and cis-kar, and separately describes a verse-filling use Nakagawa (2024: 208). These uses need to be distinguished from free kar “make” and from a verb with an incorporated object. The forms and their restrictions are discussed in Chapter 60 (Verb Formation from Nouns and Verbal Roots).
References cited in this chapter
Bugaeva (2014) ·Kobayashi (2015) ·Nakagawa (2024) ·Refsing (1986) ·Satō (2008)