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Chapter 61Adverbial and Intensive No

Manner formation, lexical restrictions, unsuffixed adverbs, clause-linking no, and distinct intensive verbal forms.

61.1 Manner adverbs from property predicates

Adding -no to many property-denoting intransitives produces an adverbial expression. Nakagawa gives pirka-no “well,” pon-no “small, in a small way,” and ukattuyma-no “far apart, at long intervals.” He describes the pattern as productive, especially with predicates of state or quality Nakagawa (2024: 275–276). Refsing gives a corresponding Shizunai account Refsing (1986: 134–135).

(1)
cise house
ne COP
yakka CONC
pirkano well
a=kar 4.A=make
wa, CONJ
oro place
ta LOC
an=an exist.SG=4.S

‘I built a fine house too, and lived there.’

Nakagawa 2024: 276, example 347; Saru

The adverb describes the manner or quality of the action. Its meaning can become specialized: poronno expresses quantity, “a lot/many,” rather than simply reproducing the meaning “big” of poro Nakagawa (2024: 276, 341).

61.2 Forms and lexical restrictions

In pon-no, the predicate pon ends in n and the suffix begins with the same consonant. The resulting ponno follows directly from that boundary. Poronno has an additional consonant relative to poro; Nakagawa also explicitly records porono Nakagawa (2024: 275–276).

Adverbial use need not always carry -no. Nakagawa lists tunas “early/quickly,” moyre “slowly,” hanke “near,” and tuyma “far” with unsuffixed adverbial uses alongside suffixed forms Nakagawa (2024: 276). Refsing additionally describes bare pirka and wen in her Shizunai account Refsing (1986: 135).

(2)
kunneywa morning
tunasno early
hopuni=an get.up.SG=4.S
hine CONJ
ipe=an eat=4.S

‘I got up early in the morning and ate.’

Nakagawa 2024: 276, example 350; Saru

The preceding example in Nakagawa uses unsuffixed tunas in a different sentence.

61.3 Transitive-derived adverbs

Some adverbial expressions derive from transitive verbs and retain a relation to an object. Nakagawa compares tura and turano “together with,” which can alternate in his examples. The same pattern is unavailable with instrumental ani: he rejects *anino Nakagawa (2024: 276–277, examples 352–355).

These restrictions prevent extending the suffix mechanically to every transitive verb. The postposed-adverb constructions are described in Chapter 53 (Place Particles and Motion Expressions).

61.4 Adverbial no and clause-linking no

The boundary between an adverbial suffix and connective no receives different treatments. Refsing identifies the adverb-forming element with her conjunctionalizer. Nakagawa recognizes continuity between the uses but finds a uniform analysis difficult Refsing (1986: 134); Nakagawa (2024: 276, 340–341) ‹contested›.

Nakagawa considers person-marked k=eyam no, “taking care,” particularly revealing. Treating the whole form as an adverb requires an adverb with A-series person marking; treating it as a verbal phrase followed by a connective preserves ordinary verbal indexing. Conversely, specialized quantity poronno is awkward to analyze as an ordinary unchanged predicate plus connective Nakagawa (2024: 340–341).

With a negative predicate, no commonly links a state of not doing something to a following event.

(3)
a=ona-ha 4.A=father-POSS
somo NEG
mokor sleep
no CONJ
kamuyoritak pray.to.gods
kor CONJ
an exist.SG

‘My father was praying to the gods without sleeping…’

Nakagawa 2024: 340, example 614; Saru

The source translates the passage as continuing. The affiliative suffix is segmented here.

Nakagawa's explicitly Saru comparison accepts somo ipe no soyne, “go out without eating,” while rejecting *ipe no soyne for an ordinary sequence of eating and going out. He contrasts this with wa for a resulting state and kor for ongoing activity Nakagawa (2024: 341). The comparison concerns these constructions and their temporal interpretation; negative clauses have further linking possibilities discussed in Chapter 126 (Clausal Negation with Somo).

61.5 Intensive no remains verbal

A same-shaped verbal suffix intensifies a predicate. Nakagawa gives retar-no, realized as retanno “be pure white,” hure-no “be bright red,” and ipe-no “eat well.” These are verbs in his analysis and retain verbal person marking Nakagawa (2024: 209).

(4)
ipeno=an eat.well=4.S
pe NMLZ
ne COP
kusu because
poro=an be.big=4.S

‘Because I ate well, I grew big.’

Nakagawa 2024: 209, example 215′; Chitose

Nakagawa's analysis respells the previously spaced ipe no an as intensive verb ipeno plus person suffix. This is his published resegmentation.

Satō also lists intensive formations with transitive bases, including nu-no and rayke-no Satō (2008: 274). The two inventories have different scopes, while both distinguish intensified verbal meaning from ordinary manner modification.

References cited in this chapter

Nakagawa (2024) ·Refsing (1986) ·Satō (2008)