Chapter 144Questions and Interrogative Particles

144.1 Question types and intonation

Polar questions ask whether a proposition holds; content questions ask for a person, place, reason, or other missing information. Ainu uses intonation, interrogative particles, and nominal clause endings in both types. The forms of the question words differ by region; their paradigms appear in Chapter 51 (Interrogative and Indefinite Expressions) Nakagawa (2024: 409–418).

Nakagawa describes polar questions with the same words as a statement and a higher final contour. Satō likewise describes a tendency toward a higher, stronger ending in Chitose. These observations do not make rising pitch obligatory: Fukuda explicitly notes for Saru that a question need not rise, and a rising utterance need not be a question. Intonation, grammatical form, and context contribute together Nakagawa (2024: 409)Satō (2008: 134) Fukuda (1961: 34, note 22).

144.2 Nominal endings in questions

A polar question can end in a formal noun, including ruwe or hawe, without a following copula.

Satō gives a three-way pattern for Chitose ruwe, hawe, siri, humi: ne follows in statements, an in content questions, and neither follows in polar questions. His explanation in terms of a situation's nature and existence is a proposed interpretation of this pattern Satō (2008: 136–137).

Other documented questions require a broader account. Nakagawa's Saru content questions include endings in ruwe ne ya and p ne ya. Fukuda compares a Saru ‘Where are you going?’ question ending in siri an with one ending in bare siri; she describes an as dispensable in this construction Nakagawa (2024: 410, examples 853–854) Fukuda (1961: 35, §32).

Interrogative expressions also have conventional restrictions. For Saru, Nakagawa gives hemanta an? for ‘What is it?’ and says that hemanta ne? is normally not used with that meaning. The latter can mean ‘why’; shortened hnta ne is attested with the meaning ‘What is it?’ Nakagawa (2024: 411–412).

144.3 Ya and the effect of the question

Final ya occurs in both polar and content questions. Descriptions of its conversational effect depend on the comparison. Fukuda finds that adding it softens the corresponding Saru question. Bugaeva also describes a softening effect. Satō observes that direct questions on a bare Chitose verb, with intonation or ya, suit urgent situations or close relations; he describes formal-noun questions as more polite Fukuda (1961: 33–34, §29) Bugaeva (2012: 497) Satō (2008: 75, 134–135).

The relation between interrogative a and ya also varies across descriptions. Refsing analyzes postconsonantal a as a pronunciation of ya in Shizunai. Nakagawa treats them as separate particles where Chitose and Ishikari place a after vowels Refsing (1986: 229) Nakagawa (2024: 332–333).

144.4 He after phrases and predicates

He can follow the expression whose interpretation is being checked. Nakagawa's next example responds to ‘when there was nothing to eat’ by asking whether the speaker means a famine.

The same particle can follow a conditional clause or a final predicate. In the following content question it follows the verb, while the questioned reason is expressed earlier. Here hnta is a form of hemanta ‘what’ Nakagawa (2024: 409, example 847; 411, example 855 and Table 77).

Satō also illustrates alternative questions by repeating he after two source phrases: the speaker asks whether the information came from the addressee's mother or father Satō (2008: 63). Combinations such as ruwe he an are attested in polar questions Nakagawa (2024: 410, example 848).

144.5 Embedded questions and replies

A clause ending in ya can serve as a complement. The embedded question may concern an unknown quantity or location, as well as whether an event occurred Fukuda (1961: 33–34, §29) Satō (2008: 179).

Replies can be shorter than a clause. Fukuda and Satō describe nominal and locative answers followed by un. Nakagawa's negative replies include Saru somo and Horobetsu senne Fukuda (1961: 34–35, §30) Satō (2008: 74) Nakagawa (2024: 408, examples 840–841). Further conversational endings appear in Chapter 143 (Sentence-Final Particles and Interaction).