Chapter 59Ki, Support Constructions, and Pro-Verbs
Lexical, formal, assertive, poetic, and referential uses of ki, with their person-marking patterns and dialect differences.
59.1 Several constructions with ki
The verb ki “do” occurs as a lexical predicate, as support for a larger verbal expression, and as a pro-verb referring to previously mentioned material. These uses differ in person marking and phrase structure. Nakagawa distinguishes five functions, including two associated with verse Nakagawa (2024: 372–378).
Lexical ki is transitive. The related-looking iki “do” is intransitive and has its own behavior with additional number morphology Nakagawa (2024: 159–160, 372). Their frames should be distinguished even when English uses “do” for both.
59.2 Ki as the indexed main verb
In one construction, person marking appears on ki while the preceding expression names the activity. Nakagawa treats that expression as nominal and as the object of main-verb ki Nakagawa (2024: 372–373).
‘I will probably dance.’
Nakagawa 2024: 372, example 723; Saru
Nakagawa cites Tamura 1988b: 32. The original text is accessed through Nakagawa here.
The predicate carrying person marking is transitive even though the activity word tapkar is ordinarily intransitive. Nakagawa also gives constructions in which a transitive verb and its object together supply the activity expression before ki Nakagawa (2024: 373, example 725).
59.3 Support after an indexed verb
In Nakagawa's “formal verb” use, the lexical predicate retains person marking and ki has none of its own. It allows a verbal expression to continue after material such as ka or a following adverb. The two person patterns occur together in the following Saru example Nakagawa (2024: 373–374).
The preceding ka therefore does not determine one person-placement rule across all these constructions. Nakagawa also notes that third-person examples without audible indices may not distinguish his two analyses Nakagawa (2024: 374, example 729).
59.4 Shizunai assertion and person placement
Refsing describes an assertive auxiliary ki in Shizunai. Her examples include person marking on the lexical verb, on ki, and on both Refsing (1986: 208–210).
Refsing states that when ka intervenes, the person marker stays on the lexical verb in her Shizunai construction. Nakagawa's Saru ipe ka a=ki belongs to a different described pattern Refsing (1986: 210, examples 331–332); Nakagawa (2024: 373–374) ‹contested›.
59.5 Negation and verse
The negative sequence is V (ka) somo ki: optional ka precedes the negative word. Nakagawa includes it in the formal-verb use, while Refsing describes the emphatic Shizunai pattern within her account of assertion Nakagawa (2024: 374); Refsing (1986: 209–210). Ordinary negation does not require every occurrence to be emphatic; see Chapter 126 (Clausal Negation with Somo).
Verse supplies further uses. Nakagawa distinguishes a metrically useful ki from poetic expressions in which person-marked ki precedes an activity verb. He considers alternative constituent analyses for the latter, including a nominal interpretation of the following activity expression Nakagawa (2024: 375–377) ‹contested›. These patterns extend beyond the ordinary postverbal support construction.
59.6 Ki referring back to an earlier predicate
Pro-verbal ki can recover material from an earlier clause. Nakagawa discusses a passage where a heap of mouse tails and heads is first said to exist, with an. A later phrase locates it by the grandparents' sleeping place and ends with ki pa ruwe an yakne. He interprets ki as referring back to the earlier existential predicate Nakagawa (2024: 377, example 735).
He also allows a formal-verb analysis in which the location has been placed after an initially completed clause. Satō discusses a comparable problem in a Chitose text and presents his auxiliary explanation as provisional Nakagawa (2024: 377–378); Satō (2008: 297, commentary on lines 44–45) ‹contested›. The published evidence thus includes reference across intervening material, although its precise syntactic analysis remains open.
59.7 Other predicates and auxiliary constructions
The copula ne and existential an have their own argument frames and constructional uses. Their occurrence after nominal expressions should be analyzed separately from the functions of ki Nakagawa (2024: 129–132). See Chapter 96 (Copular ne and Nominal Predication) and Chapter 100 (Copular Negation and Clause Endings).
“Auxiliary” can also refer to different structures in different descriptions. Nakagawa separates elements directly following a verb from auxiliary constructions linked by wa; verbs in the latter can carry their own person marking Nakagawa (2024: 305–318, 450). Consequently, the person-placement diagnostics of one construction cannot be applied to every sequence of verbs.