Chapter 119Conjecture, Intention, and Prospective Events
Contextual nankor, kusu ne and regional kusu ki, impending events, competing oasi analyses, seeming, circumlocution, and conditional context.
119.1 Conjecture with nankor
Nankor presents a conjecture. It can concern the future, the present, or the past; the event time comes from the surrounding expression and context Satō (2008: 193).
Descriptions differ in the strength they emphasize. Tamura's Saru account compares nankor with a fairly tentative conjecture, while Refsing's Shizunai discussion includes a confident reply about someone's arrival Tamura (1960: §13, 74 (continuous pagination 350))Refsing (1986: 206–207, example 319). The form does not supply a fixed numerical probability.
119.2 Intention and prospective events
Kusu ne, also kus ne, can express an intention or a prospective situation. Satō treats the two-word expression as an auxiliary for descriptive convenience. His narrative example includes an attempted action that fails, so its use does not guarantee that the action occurs Satō (2008: 191–193).
Tamura connects its structure with purpose kusu and copular ne. Her examples include material that will dry on a stove: a conscious planner is not required as grammatical subject Tamura (1997: 71). Indirect directives with this expression are discussed in Chapter 118 (Necessity, Advice, and Permission).
Refsing describes Shizunai kusu ki for intention and incipient action, with a conscious-agent restriction in her account Refsing (1986: 206, examples 316–318). Related Saru kusu iki is also documented by Tamura, including mina rusuy kusu iki ‘be smiling’ Tamura (1997: 71). The regional descriptions should be compared without transferring every restriction from one to the other.
119.3 Approaching an event
Etokus concerns an event about to occur. Etokoyki can have a more concrete preparatory or incipient meaning. Satō includes both preparing to eat and flowers beginning to bloom Satō (2008: 192).
Oasi has competing descriptions. Tamura's earlier Saru account emphasizes imminent action and tentatively distinguishes the auxiliary from lexical ‘begin’ Tamura (1960: §11, 73 (continuous pagination 349)). Nakagawa argues that the auxiliary presents an event as certain to occur, with imminence supplied by context. His bear-deity narrative predicts a marriage and a daughter's future life long before the people concerned have entered the story Nakagawa (2024: 317, example 500).
119.4 Seeming, circumlocution, and conditional context
Satō gives noyne, alone or with an, siran, or humas, for ‘seem’ or ‘appear’. His examples concern someone apparently awake, expected weather, and a felt prospect of dying Satō (2008: 194). The sensory constructions themselves are introduced in Chapter 120 (Formal Nouns and Evidential Constructions).
Saru ne manu p often expresses a circumlocution, ‘what is called …’. Nakagawa notes that speakers can use it for things they know well; it need not report someone else's information Nakagawa (2024: 309–310).
Conditional clauses interact with these modal expressions. Satō compares which clause-final meanings follow different connectives, while leaving important questions about counterfactual expression unresolved Satō (2009: 51–55). The individual constructions provide firmer guidance than a single assumed irrealis paradigm or an exceptionless order of all modals and evidentials.
References cited in this chapter
Nakagawa (2024) ·Refsing (1986) ·Satō (2008) ·Satō (2009) ·Tamura (1960) ·Tamura (1997)