Chapter 41Nominal Number and Utar

41.1 Nouns without obligatory number marking

Ordinary Hokkaido Ainu nouns do not obligatorily distinguish singular and plural forms. The same aynu occurs in sine aynu “one person” and tu aynu “two people” Shibatani (1990: 32). Nakagawa describes the absence of a required nominal number distinction, alongside optional expressions of plurality Nakagawa (2024: 259). This number-neutral use of a noun is often called transnumeral.

The interpretation of an unquantified noun depends on context. Explicit numerals, quantifiers, plural utar, and the number behavior of particular verbs contribute different kinds of information.

41.2 Utar as a plural expression

Utar follows nouns, prenominals, and modifying clauses. Nakagawa classifies it as a formal noun and gives cikappo utar “small birds” alongside a clause referring to people whom the speaker had helped Nakagawa (2024: 258). Satō describes its noun-following use as appositional; Refsing and Shibatani use a suffix analysis Satō (2008: 181); Refsing (1986: 159); Shibatani (1990: 32) ‹contested›.

Two interpretations recur. An ordinary plural denotes several members of the named class. An associative plural denotes a person together with associated people. Kindaichi and Chiri explain acha utar arki as an uncle and his company coming, alongside ordinary plurals of gods, people, dogs, and birds Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 30, §37). Shibatani likewise recognizes both readings Shibatani (1990: 32).

41.3 Animacy and differences among descriptions

The descriptions differ over inanimate referents. Kindaichi and Chiri exclude such combinations as stones or trees with utar unless they are personified Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 30–31). Refsing reports no inanimate examples in her Shizunai material Refsing (1986: 159). Nakagawa includes suma utar “stones” and ni utar “trees,” with Saru sentences about furs and lacquerware Nakagawa (2024: 259) ‹contested›.

Tamura's Saru dictionary marks inanimate use as rare but records citarpe utar “mats” Tamura (1996: s.v. utar). Satō gives utukani utar “dogwood trees” Satō (2008: 298). The reported restrictions thus vary by description and its material; the inanimate examples have specific lexical and contextual settings.

Nakagawa suggests that Ainu conceptions of spirits may help explain the inanimate uses Nakagawa (2024: 259) ‹speculative›.

41.4 Lexical plurals and repeated forms

Hekattar “children” is historically analyzed as hekaci plus utar Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 31); Refsing (1986: 159). Tamura's Saru entry defines the result as children of both sexes, although hekaci denotes a boy Tamura (1996: s.v. hekattar). Kindaichi and Chiri also record hekattar utar, with a further utar Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 31).

The same grammar lists repeated nominal forms with plural-like reference, including ramram “scales” and taktak “lumps” Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 31, §38). Reduplication also occurs extensively in verbal word formation; see Chapter 32 (Reduplication and Phonological Alternations).

41.5 The group noun and its affiliative form

Utar also has a common-noun use, with affiliative utari(hi) referring to someone's kin, fellow villagers, companions, or associated group Tamura (1996: s.vv. utar, utari(hi)). Satō gives the contracted first-person form:

Such a group noun need not include its possessor among its referents. Nakagawa's Chitose example has k=utari as the people whom the speaker accompanies. He also describes Tokachi usages intermediate between group nouns and person expressions Nakagawa (2024: 253–254).

The order of utar and possessive morphology has received different semantic analyses:

The first two accounts assign opposing readings to the two orders ‹contested›. The formal distinction between a compound and a phrase is discussed in Chapter 39 (Nominal Compounds and Their Structure). Tamura also records onautari “parents,” analyzed with the elements “father,” plural, and an affiliative ending Tamura (1996: s.v. onautari).

41.6 Plural nouns and verbal number

Some verbs have singular and plural forms, but many do not. Verbal number may concern the subject, an object, or repeated events, depending on the verb and construction Nakagawa (2024: 141–143). Refsing also discusses duration and respect among the uses of forms grouped as plural Refsing (1986: 150–151).

A numeral does not invariably require a plural verb. Kindaichi and Chiri give tu ainu an “there are two people” and re ainu ek “three people came,” using the forms otherwise classified as singular Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 65, §100). The lexical and constructional conditions are described in Chapter 58 (Verbal Number and Stem Alternation).

41.7 Sakhalin comparison

Sakhalin descriptions distinguish plural forms of the -(a)hcin type from -utara. Nakagawa reports Murasaki's Raichishka examples of the former after affiliative nouns, including a form meaning “my grandchildren.” He also reports Sakaguchi's analysis of its occurrence after nominalized clauses Nakagawa (2024: 260–261).

In the analysis reported there, the -(a)hcin type principally expresses ordinary plurality, while -utara also allows associative readings. Nakagawa questions whether these patterns amount to an obligatory grammatical number category on Sakhalin nouns Nakagawa (2024: 260–261). This is his interpretation of a system with a wider morphological distinction than the Hokkaido constructions described above.