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Knowledge base · Part IX — The Verb: Structure, Transitivity, and Verbal Number · this topic as a network

58. Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa

How does the language mark number on verbs, and what is the distinction between participant number and event number?

288 sentences from 24 sources · every sentence names the pages it rests on

The category and its locus

What is the grammatical category of verbal number and where is it expressed in the clause?

The vast majority of Ainu verbs do not have a morphological number distinction. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3, Nakagawa 2024: 141) Intransitive verbs with a number distinction alternate to grammatically agree with nominative personal affixes. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3, Nakagawa 2024: 145) The plural form of verbs can function to denote plurality of action or repetition. (Refsing 1986: 31) While the plural form of the verb clearly expresses plurality, the singular form functions as an unmarked default form. (proposed in Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) Ainu verbal number is better analyzed as a default/plural contrast rather than a singular/plural contrast. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Plurality marking in verbs refers to the S argument in intransitive verbs and to the O or patientive A argument in transitive verbs. (Bugaeva 2012: 470–471) Some verbs distinguish singular and plural number via suppletive stems or affixes. (Bugaeva 2014) Ainu possesses verbal number. (Bugaeva 2022: 1.1) For intransitive verbs, verbal number refers to the number of subject participants, whereas for transitive verbs it refers to the plurality of object participants or multiple results of actions. (Bugaeva 2022: 1.4) Number in Ainu is basically expressed by stem alternation rather than nominal agreement. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.1) Stem alternations marking verbal number exhibit comparatively little dialect variation across Ainu. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.1) Verbal stem alternations expressing number in Ainu can morphologically be classified into three types: suppletion (Type-A), -n/-p alternation (Type-B), and -V/-pa alternation (Type-C). (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The distinctions among the three morphological types of verbal stem alternation in Ainu correlate closely with the semantics of the verb and the transitivity distinction. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) Transitive verbs with a number distinction are basically achievement or accomplishment verbs, expressing the number of times an action is accomplished or the number of changes that the object undergoes. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) What transitive verbs in Ainu express by means of number is event number rather than participant number. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) When an intransitive verb occurs with first- or second-person subject personal affixes, verbal number agrees with those affixes. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Ainu verbal number is realized in two formal categories: verb stem alternation and clitics. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Verbs that show number via stem alternation are highly limited in number and subject to semantic restrictions. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) The verb mina 'laugh' does not change its form depending on whether the subject is singular or plural. (Nakagawa 2024: 141) Ainu expresses plurality on verbs through reduplicated forms, the Sakhalin plural suffix -(a)hci, the verb suffix or auxiliary verb ci, and the auxiliary verb pa, in addition to stem alternation. (Nakagawa 2024: 151) Some verbs change their form according to number. (Refsing 1986: 29) Some verbs change their stem form according to number. (Refsing 1986: 29) Some Ainu verbs have the same form in the singular and the plural, such as itak 'speak'. (Refsing 1986: 31) Some verbs distinguish singular and plural forms, but beyond this Ainu verbs are not conjugated. (Refsing 1986: 140) The plural form of verbs may be employed in four functions: plurality of subject, plurality of object, plurality of action, and respect. (Refsing 1986: 149) The plural form of a verb may denote respect towards persons of higher standing. (Refsing 1986: 149) Verbs with distinct singular and plural forms are frequently intransitive verbs of existence or motion, or transitive verbs denoting actions that cause essential changes in the quality or shape of the object, like 'kill' or 'cut'. (Satō 2008: 101) The plural form of an intransitive verb indicates plurality of the subject, whereas the plural form of a transitive verb in principle indicates plurality of the object. (Satō 2008: 101) When a plural objective person affix attaches to a transitive verb that distinguishes singular and plural stems, the verb may take its plural form. (Satō 2008: 121) For verbs that distinguish singular and plural stems, the plural stem must be used when forming an imperative addressed to multiple people. (Satō 2008: 129) When second-person honorific personal affixes attach to verbs that distinguish singular and plural stems, the plural stem of the verb is used. (Satō 2008: 211) There are verbal suffixes as well as suppletive verbal forms for the plural subject and the plural object. (Shibatani 1990: 6) Ainu has a verbal category distinguishing singular and plural forms in both transitive and intransitive verbs, co-occurring with a plural object or subject. (Shibatani 1990: 50) Verbs that distinguish number are usually used in agreement with the grammatical number of the subject or the object. (Tamura 1972: 18) In Karafuto Ainu, several verbs show a singular–plural distinction through stem alternation. (Tangiku 2022: 9.6) For verbs of existence and motion in Karafuto Ainu, stem alternation indicates whether the existing or moving entities are singular or plural (roughly more than 4 or 5), agreeing with the subject. (Tangiku 2022: 9.6)

Type A: suppletive stems

Which verbs exhibit suppletive singular and plural stems, and what semantic domains do they cover?

In Sakhalin Ainu, the motion verb 'go' has the singular stem 'oman and the suppletive plural stem paye. (Murasaki 2025: 21, 52, 63) In Sakhalin Ainu, the motion verb 'come' has the singular stem 'eh and the suppletive plural stem 'ariki. (Murasaki 2025: 21, 67) In Saru Ainu, the intransitive motion verb 'go' has the singular stem arpa and the suppletive plural stem paye. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2, Nakagawa 2024: 141, Satō 2008: 311) In Sakhalin Ainu, the verb 'wake up, get up' has the singular stem numa and the suppletive plural stem payki. (Murasaki 2025: 27, 93) The intransitive motion verb 'come' has the singular stem ek and the suppletive plural stem arki. (Nakagawa 2024: 142, 147) The motion verb 'go ashore, land' has the singular stem yan and the plural stem yap. (Satō 2008: 289, 318) A small number of transitive verbs exhibit stem suppletion according to singular versus plural object, such as uk (sg.) / uina (pl.) and raike (sg.) / ronnu (pl.). (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The verbs ashin / aship 'to go out', san / sap 'to go forward', ran / rap 'to descend', rikin / rikip 'to ascend', and yan / yap 'to land' belong to Class II Type iii. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) Class II verbs whose singular and plural stems are entirely different are classified as Type iv. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) In Iburi (except the Mukawa area), okai is used as the plural stem of the existential verb an. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) Verbs exhibiting completely distinct singular and plural stems include ek / arki 'to come', oman, arpa / paye 'to go', a / rok 'to sit', ash / roshki 'to stand', and un / ush 'to adhere, be attached'. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) Motion verbs meaning 'go' and 'come' differ in form depending on whether the subject is singular or plural, and all of them are intransitive verbs (v1) taking one NP. (Murasaki 2025: 21) 'okay functions as the plural form of the existential verb 'to be, to exist'. (Murasaki 2025: 51) Type-A suppletive verbal number pairs have completely different singular and plural stems and are limited to a small set of high-frequency verbs expressing existence and change of location. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The intransitive existential verb has the suppletive stems an for singular and oka for plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The intransitive motion verb 'come' has the suppletive stems ek for singular and arki for plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The posture verb 'stand' has the suppletive stems as for singular and roski for plural as an intransitive verb, and asi (sg) and roski (pl) as a transitive verb 'put up'. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The posture verb 'sit' has the suppletive stems a for singular and rok for plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The intransitive verb 'wander' has the suppletive stem omanan for singular and payeoka or payoka for plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The transitive verb 'kill' has the suppletive stems rayke for singular and ronnu for plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The transitive verb 'take' has the suppletive stems uk for singular and uyna for plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) The transitive verb 'put' has the suppletive stems anu for singular and ari for plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) In Ainu, suppletive verbs with a number distinction include intransitive verbs such as an/oka 'exist', a/rok 'sit', as/roski 'stand', arpa/paye 'go', ek/arki 'come', and transitive verbs such as uk/uyna 'take' and rayke/ronnu 'kill'. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) Type-A suppletive number verbs are a subset of basic transitive and intransitive verbs expressing existence or motion, and they indicate participant number. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Stem-suppletive number alternation, where singular and plural stems are completely distinct, is found in a small set of basic verbs expressing existence or motion. (Nakagawa 2024: 146) The intransitive verb for 'be, exist' has the singular suppletive stem an and the plural suppletive stem oka(y). (Nakagawa 2024: 146) The intransitive verbs for 'go' include singular suppletive stems arpa and oman, corresponding to the plural stem paye. (Nakagawa 2024: 146) In the stem-alternating class of intransitive verbs, the singular for 'stand' is as and the plural is roski. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) In the stem-alternating class of intransitive verbs, the singular for 'sit' is a and the plural is rok. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) The plural of omanan 'walk around' has dialectal forms payeka, payekay, payoka, and payokay. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) In dialects such as Saru that usually use oka, the form becomes okay before pe 'thing' or pa p 'things'. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) The stem-alternating transitive verb 'erect' has singular asi and plural roski. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) The stem-alternating transitive verb 'kill' has singular rayke / rayki and plural ronnu / ronno. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) eram(u)an and eramuoka form a singular/plural pair only in the Saru, Chitose, and Shizunai dialects, while examples of eramuoka(y) are very rare elsewhere. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) The stem-alternating transitive verb 'take' has singular uk and plural uyna. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) In Saru and Chitose, anu and ari form a singular/plural pair for 'put', whereas in Yakumo and Obihiro, ama and are form the pair. (Nakagawa 2024: 148) For 'raise', the singular is exceptionally rikinka in many regions (Saru, Chitose, Horobetsu, Bihoro, etc.), whereas rikinke is concentrated in northern areas such as Nayoro, Soya, and Sakhalin. (Nakagawa 2024: 149) In Saru Ainu, hotuypa is used almost exclusively as the verb 'shout' regardless of whether the subject is singular or plural, while hotuye is used exclusively as a noun meaning 'shout'. (Nakagawa 2024: 151) Some Ainu verbs have completely different stems in the singular and plural, such as an versus oka 'exist'. (Refsing 1986: 31) Closed verbs do not distinguish singular and plural forms. (Refsing 1986: 140) Only a minority of verbs have corresponding plural forms at all. (Refsing 1986: 149) A number of frequently used verbs have plural forms that are suppletive and totally different from the singular. (Refsing 1986) A number of frequently used verbs have suppletive plural stems completely distinct from their singular stems, including ek/arki 'come', oman/paye 'go', an/oka 'exist', a/rok 'sit', and as/roski 'stand up'. (Refsing 1986) paye is the plural suppletive form of arpa 'to go'. (Satō 2008: 34) The existential verb oka 'exist, be' is a plural form used when the subject is plural, whereas an is its singular counterpart. (Satō 2008: 60) The auxiliary earpa 'go to do' has the suppletive plural form epaye. (Satō 2008: 80) Theoretically a plural form *earki for eek 'come to do' could exist, but there are no attested examples so far. (Satō 2008: 81) paye is the plural form of the verb arpa 'to go'. (Satō 2008: 100) Verbs with completely suppletive stems between singular and plural are almost exclusively an/oka(y), a/rok, as/roski, asi/roski, arpa/paye, ek/arki, and rayke/ronnu. (Satō 2008: 102) oka takes the form okay before the noun pe 'thing'. (Satō 2008: 102) As a rule, verbs that change stem form according to the singular or plural number of the subject are intransitive verbs, whereas transitive verbs typically do not change form according to subject number but rather according to object number. (Satō 2008: 115) As an exception to the rule that transitive verbs change stem form according to object number rather than subject number, the verb eramuan (singular) / eramuoka (plural) 'to understand' changes form according to the number of its subject. (Satō 2008: 115) The verb korpare is the plural form of kore 'give'. (Satō 2008: 120) arki is the plural verb stem corresponding to singular ek 'to come'. (Satō 2008: 289) The verb yan 'go ashore / go from sea to land' is a singular stem. (Satō 2008: 290) haweoka is a plural verb meaning 'to say'. (Satō 2008: 367) hopunpa is the plural stem of hopuni 'to get up'. (Satō 2008: 368) okay is a variant of the plural existential verb oka 'to be, to exist'. (Satō 2008: 371) In Classical Ainu, the plurality of a third-person subject can be indicated by the suffix -pa or by suppletive plural verb forms. (Shibatani 1990: 26) In Classical Ainu, the plurality of an object noun can be indicated by the suffix -pa or suppletive plural verb forms. (Shibatani 1990: 26) Certain verbs exhibit stem suppletion for number, such as rayke / ronnu 'kill', arpa / paye 'go', ek / arki 'come', and an / oka(y) 'exist'. (Shibatani 1990: 50) Most verbs do not distinguish singular and plural, but a few verbs belonging to the basic vocabulary make this distinction (e.g. 'án/'oká, 'árpa/payé, ráyke/rónnu). (Tamura 1972: 18) In Karafuto Ainu, res-ke 'raise, bring up' has the same stem for singular and plural, contrasting with Hokkaido Ainu res-u/res-ka (singular) and res-pa (plural). (Tangiku 2022: 9.6) In Karafuto Ainu, the verb 'get up' has the singular stem numa and plural stem payki, contrasting with Hokkaido Ainu hopun-i (singular) and hopun-pa (plural). (Tangiku 2022: 9.6)

kiwkode paye=an wa ne yakun wakkata=an ka eaykap kusu
express.train go.PL=4.S CONJ COP if draw.water=4.S even be.unable because
‘If we go by express train, we cannot even draw water.’
a=onáha a=unúhu a=ronnu pa wa ora
4.POSS=father 4.POSS=mother 4.A=kill.PL PL CONJ then
‘My father and my mother were killed, and then …’
uomano eci=eramuoka ya
all 2PL.A=understand.PL Q
‘Do you all understand?’

Types B and C: segmentable alternations

What segmentable alternations mark number on verbs, and which verb classes do they apply to?

In the Shizunai dialect, all verbs that form plurals by alternating stem-final -n with -p denote directional movement. (Refsing 1986) In the Shizunai dialect, the plural formation alternating stem-final -n with -p derives from suffixation of /-pa/ with subsequent loss of stem-final -n and the suffix vowel -a. (Refsing 1986) cispa is the plural form of the verb cis 'to cry, weep', derived with the plural suffix -pa. (Satō 2008: 346, 367) ipepa is the plural form of the verb ipe 'to eat', derived with the plural suffix -pa. (Satō 2008: 347, 368) Direct causatives with -ke cannot be derived from plural forms of motion verbs; instead, productive -re/-e/-te derives both direct and indirect causatives from them. (Bugaeva 2014) The plural of the intransitive verb soyne is soyenpa, where an e is inserted between y and n because the sequence *soyn-pa is illicit under Ainu syllable phonotactics. (Bugaeva 2022: 20.6) Object plurality (plurality of the direct object) is formed by suffixing -pa to the verb stem. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) When a transitive verb stem consists of a root plus a non-independent vowel formant, the vowel formant is dropped before suffixing -pa. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) When the formant of a transitive verb stem is an independent suffix or ending, -pa is suffixed directly without dropping the vowel. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The vowel of a root is not dropped; consequently, monosyllabic transitive verbs whose stem is identical to the root take -pa directly. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) In polysyllabic transitive verbs, vowels that belong or are perceived to belong to the root are not dropped before -pa. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The transitive verb kari 'turn' forms kar-pa when analyzed as root kar plus formant -i, but forms kari-pa or kari-m-pa when perceived as an indivisible root kari. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) Consonant-final transitive verb stems take -pa directly without modification. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) For transitive verbs derived from intransitives, object plurals are formed by transitivizing the intransitive verb's plural-subject stem. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) In Class II division i verbs, the plural suffix -pa can optionally be added to plural forms (e.g. itak(-pa)-an, echi-itak(-pa), itak(-pa)). (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) In Sakhalin Ainu, verbal plural distinction occurs via three mechanisms: irregular forms (suppletion), plural personal affixes such as second-person plural -yan and third-person plural =(a)hci, and stem-final alternation in topographical motion verbs ending in -n. (Murasaki 2025: 85) Topographical motion verbs ending in -n form their plural by alternating the stem-final consonant with -h,-p, as in yan / yah,-p, repun / repuh,-p, and 'ahun / 'ahuh,-p. (Murasaki 2025: 85) In Type-B verbal number pairs, the singular form ends in -n and the plural form ends in -p. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) Type-B verbal number alternation is limited to a small number of intransitive verbs relating to motion by the subject. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) In Type-C verbal number pairs, the singular form ends in a vowel and the plural form ends in -pa. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) Type-C verbs are comparatively numerous and are primarily transitive verbs bringing about a change in the state of the object, corresponding to achievement or accomplishment verbs. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.2) An intransitive verb derived from a Type-C transitive verb generally behaves like a Type-B intransitive verb stem, changing its form to agree with the derived subject (agent). (Nakagawa 2022: 17.4) The prefixes e- 'head of ~' and o- 'rear end of ~' do not change the valency of the verb, and when attached to Type-C transitive verbs the derived verb remains transitive and reflects event number. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.4) Type-B -n/-pa alternating verbs are basically intransitive verbs of movement, and they indicate participant number. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Type-C -V/-pa alternating verbs are basically transitive achievement or accomplishment verbs, and they express the number of completed state changes in the object while often also indicating object plurality. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Among transitive verbs, those derived from intransitive verbs may alternate between singular and plural forms according to the number of their subject, like the base intransitive verb. (Nakagawa 2024: 142) The transitive verb eramuan / eramuoka 'understand' is derived from the applicative prefix e-, ramu 'mind', and the intransitive verb an / oka 'be', alternating according to the subject person affix. (Nakagawa 2024: 143) Intransitive verbs derived from transitive verbs also select their singular or plural form according to the person and number of the subject affix. (Nakagawa 2024: 145) Transitive verbs derived from number-distinguishing intransitive verbs via the causative suffix -re alternate according to the number of the causee/object (the subject of the underlying intransitive verb). (Nakagawa 2024: 146) Intransitive verbs of the -n/-p type end in -n in the singular and -p in the plural, and are restricted to verbs expressing motion directed toward a specific direction. (Nakagawa 2024: 148) Transitive verbs corresponding to the -n/-p type intransitive verbs are derived from them, and stem alternation corresponds to the number of the original intransitive subject (the moving entity). (Nakagawa 2024: 148) makan 'step forward / go inland' is confirmed only in Saru, Samani, Kushiro, and Sakhalin, and its plural makap is confirmed only in Samani, Kushiro, and Sakhalin. (Nakagawa 2024: 148) While the singular repun 'go out to sea' is attested across dialects, its plural repup is currently only attested in the Shiranuka dialect. (Nakagawa 2024: 148) In the V/-pa type, the singular ends in a vowel and the plural replaces that final vowel with -pa. (Nakagawa 2024: 149) Verbs of the V/-pa type are as a rule transitive, and intransitive verbs of this type are derived from transitive verbs, with the exception of soyne : soyenpa (soyonpa, soyunpa) 'go outside'. (Nakagawa 2024: 149) In Saru and Shizunai dialects, the singular form soyene exists, likely formed by back-formation from soyenpa. (proposed in Nakagawa 2024: 149) Most base transitive verbs of the V/-pa type denote causing a change in the patient, and often share a root with an intransitive verb formed with an intransitivizing suffix. (reported in Nakagawa 2024: 149) When intransitive verbs are derived from V/-pa type transitive verbs with prefixes such as si- 'self', he- 'head', or ho- 'buttocks', they also have V/-pa singular/plural alternation agreeing with the subject. (Nakagawa 2024: 150) For the verb kor 'have', causative forms with plurality can appear as either kor-e pa (with auxiliary pa) or kor-pa-re (with suffix -pa), the latter of which can further take auxiliary pa as in korpare pa. (Nakagawa 2024: 159) Forms like kus 'pass along' vs. kuspare 'cause to pass along' show suffixation of the auxiliary pa. (Nakagawa 2024: 159) The plural suffix -pa on verbs derives plural transitive verbs from roots, functioning both as a plural marker and as a transitive-forming suffix. (Nakagawa 2024: 199) The suffix pair -kosanu and -kosanpa appears formally to be a V/-pa singular/plural pair, but in practice little difference in usage is felt between them. (Nakagawa 2024: 204) Some Ainu verbs form their plural by dropping the final vowel and adding -pa, such as hosipi forming hosippa 'come back'. (Refsing 1986: 31) Some Ainu verbs form their plural by changing final -n into -p, such as ahun forming ahup 'come in'. (Refsing 1986: 31) Transitive verbs exhibit the same types of plural formation as intransitive verbs. (Refsing 1986: 31) Verbs that distinguish number form the plural in three ways: by reduplication, by adding the suffix -pa/-p, or with a suppletive allomorph. (Refsing 1986: 149) The plural suffix -pa can attach to transitive as well as to intransitive verbs ending in a vowel or in -n. (Refsing 1986: 149) When the plural suffix -pa attaches to a vowel-final verb, the stem-final vowel is dropped. (Refsing 1986: 149) The plural suffix -pa belongs among the adjunct-neutral suffixes. (Refsing 1986: 187) hosippa is the plural form of hosipi 'to return', and sap is the plural form of san 'to descend'. (Satō 2008: 100) tuye 'to cut' is a singular verb used when the cutting action occurs only once. (Satō 2008: 100) tuypa is a plural verb indicating that the cutting action is performed multiple times. (Satō 2008: 101) Some verbs form plurals by suffixing -pa directly to the singular stem (e.g. easkay-pa, kor-pa, ku-pa, mi-pa, o-pa, teyne-pa, yaynu-pa), but it is also possible to express plural meaning without attaching -pa. (Satō 2008: 103) Plural verbs formed by suffixing -pa directly to the stem often express subject plurality even when the verb is transitive, although a few transitive verbs mark object plurality. (Satō 2008: 103) The plural suffix -pa can also be attached to plural verbs that already have suppletive stems, as in okay-pa. (Satō 2008: 104) Double attachment of -pa to a plural already marked by -pa has been reported by Kindaichi (1931: 127), but no such examples have been found in the Chitose dialect. (reported in Satō 2008: 104) When the first-person plural subject affix -an attaches to an intransitive verb, -pa is rarely placed after -an, yielding forms like yaynu-an-pa, while *yaynu-pa-an is rejected. (Satō 2008: 104) In the verb class where singular ends in a vowel and plural ends in -pa, plural intransitive verbs mark subject plurality, while plural transitive verbs mark object plurality. (Satō 2008: 104) soyne 'to go out (sg)' and soyen-pa 'to go out (pl)' belong to the vowel/-pa alternation class, but the singular form soyne is irregular. (Satō 2008: 104) In other dialects such as Upper Saru and Shizunai, the singular form soyene 'to go out' occurs, but it was not actually used in Chitose despite the consultant's passive familiarity with it. (Satō 2008: 104) Verbs exhibiting the singular -n vs. plural -p stem alternation are almost exclusively ahun / ahup, ran / rap, san / sap, and yan / yap. (Satō 2008: 105) In the Asahikawa dialect, the verb 'to exit' belongs to the -n/-p alternation type (asin sg. vs. asip pl.), but in the Chitose dialect, asin is restricted to expressions like kunneasin 'to get up at night to use the toilet', while soyne is normally used for 'to go outside'. (Satō 2008: 105) sina 'to bind (sg)' / sinanpa (pl) and kopasirota 'to scold/revile (sg)' / kopasirotappa (pl) form plural stems with a consonant plus -pa. (Satō 2008: 105) The verb atuspa is the plural form of atusa 'become naked'. (Satō 2008: 120) A series of verbs derive a singular transitive verb by adding -e to an intransitive verb, and derive a plural transitive verb by adding -pa; these often express physical changes applied to an object and are better called transitivization rather than causatives. (Satō 2008: 238) kay means 'to break (intransitive)', kay-e means 'to break (transitive singular)', and kay-pa means 'to break (transitive plural)'. (Satō 2008: 238) tuy means 'to be cut (intransitive)', tuy-e means 'to cut (transitive singular)', and tuy-pa means 'to cut (transitive plural)'. (Satō 2008: 238) Transitive verbs can be formed by attaching singular transitive suffixes such as -a, -e, -i, -o, -u, or -ka to a bound root, paired with plural transitive suffixes such as -pa. (Satō 2008: 274) The verb sikirpa 'to turn (plural)' is the plural form of sikiru 'to turn'. (Satō 2008: 310) hosippa is the plural form of hosipi ('to return'). (Satō 2008: 311) The verb mosospa is the plural form of mososo 'to wake (someone) up'. (Satō 2008: 345) The verb sanpesiturpa is the plural form of sanpesituri 'to feel relieved / be at peace'. (Satō 2008: 347) -pa is a verbal plural suffix. (Satō 2008: 350) ekimnepa is the plural stem of ekimne 'to go hunting'. (Satō 2008: 367) kipa is the plural stem of ki 'to do'. (Satō 2008: 369) mosospa is the plural stem of mosos 'to wake up (transitive)'. (Satō 2008: 370) The verbal plural suffix is consistently -pa regardless of the stem vowel, allowing o-a vowel sequences across morpheme boundaries as in kom-pa 'to bend many things'. (Shibatani 1990: 16) The most regular way to derive plural verb forms is the addition of the suffix -pa to verbal roots, while some forms replace their final segment with p. (Shibatani 1990: 50) In the Sakhalin dialect, as well as in one of its uses in Classical and Hokkaido Ainu, the suffix -pa indicates iterative action. (Shibatani 1990: 54)

a=yupi hopuni
4.POSS=elder.brother rise.SG
‘My elder brother got up.’
a=yuputari ka hopunpa
4.POSS=elder.brothers also rise.PL
‘My elder brothers also got up.’

The postverbal plural clitics

What postverbal elements mark plurality, and how do they vary across dialects?

To explicitly indicate that a third person subject is plural, the suffix -pa is added to the verb (e.g., kar-pa 'they make', ki-pa 'they do'). (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) In Iburi, -chi is rarely used instead of -pa to indicate a plural third person subject (e.g., kar-chi, ki-chi). (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The plural suffix -pa on transitive verbs can also indicate plurality of the subject. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The suffix -pa can be used as an honorific marker on verbs. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) When plural -pa and honorific -pa are used together on the same verb stem, the second -pa represents the honorific meaning. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) In Sakhalin Ainu verbal inflection, one is singular and two or more is grammatically plural, so that a plural verb form and the third-person plural personal affix =hci are obligatory for two subjects. (Murasaki 2025: 85) In dialects such as Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari, there is an independent clitic/auxiliary verb pa (pa²) that can follow both singular and plural verb forms, distinct from the Type-C pluralizing suffix -pa (pa¹). (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In the Saru dialect, clitic pa² can follow intransitive verb personal suffixes such as -as and -an, whereas suffix pa¹ cannot follow them. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) Unlike Type-C verbs, clitic pa² is not restricted to achievement or accomplishment verbs and attaches to a semantically varied set of verbs. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) When clitic pa² is added to intransitive verbs without a singular/plural alternation, it indicates the plurality of the subject. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) With transitive verbs lacking a singular/plural distinction, clitic pa² can indicate the plurality of either the subject or the object. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) Among verbs that have a singular/plural alternation, clitic pa² does not follow the singular form of intransitive verbs. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) When clitic pa² follows the plural form of an intransitive verb, it emphasizes the plurality of the subject rather than expressing event number. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) When clitic pa² follows the singular form of a transitive verb, it indicates the plurality of the subject. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) The addition of clitic pa² is optional rather than obligatory. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) While suffix pa¹ occurs across all Ainu dialects including Sakhalin, clitic pa² is primarily found in Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari, and is absent from eastern Hokkaido and Sakhalin. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In the Shizunai dialect, the form ci acts as a clitic/auxiliary verb following transitive and intransitive verbs to indicate a large number of subjects or objects. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) The clitic ci of eastern Hokkaido and the clitic pa² of southwestern/central Hokkaido (Saru, Chitose, Ishikari) exhibit a near-complementary distribution. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In the Horobetsu dialect, ci is a suffix occurring inside personal affixes, primarily lexicalized on the verb iki as iki-ci and rarely with other verbs as kar-ici or kor-ici. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In the Shiranuka dialect, auxiliary verb ci basically shows the number of the subject, though following a plural verb or with iki ci it can mark event number, or express surprise/unexpectedness. (reported in Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In Sakhalin Ainu, the clitic (a)hci/(a)hsi is phonologically realized as ahci/ahsi after consonant-final stems and as hci/hsi after vowel-final stems. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In Sakhalin Ainu, attachment of clitic -ahsi/-hci is optional, not obligatory. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In Sakhalin Ainu, clitic -hci does not follow intransitive verbs with the second-person plural subject prefix eci-, because plurality is already unambiguously marked by eci-. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In Sakhalin Ainu, the first-person plural personal affix -an is used for singular 'I' with plural intransitive verbs, which motivates the addition of ahci (-an ahci) to distinguish true plural number. (proposed in Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari dialects use the plural clitic pa, while Shizunai and Shiranuka use ci, and Sakhalin dialects use hci or hsi. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) The plural clitic pa (pa²) is distinct from the suffix pa¹ found in Type-C -V/-pa stem alternation, and it shares properties with the clitics ci and hci. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) The plural clitic pa² basically expresses participant, especially agent, plurality, but when the verb stem itself already marks agent plurality, pa² adds emphasis or indicates event plurality. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Forms including ci were historically widely distributed across Hokkaido and Sakhalin, but in dialects such as Saru and Ishikari, pa² developed through analogy with pa¹ and spread, replacing ci, while in Horobetsu both survived only in a lexically frozen set. (proposed in Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Except in a few dialects such as Saru and Chitose, there exists a postverbal element ci across Ainu dialects. (Nakagawa 2024: 155) In the Horobetsu dialect, -ci is mostly fossilized and only found as a suffix on a few verbs such as iki-ci 'do' and kar-ici 'make'. (Nakagawa 2024: 155) In the Shizunai dialect, ci functions as an auxiliary verb following verbs to indicate that the subject or object is plural, or that an action is repeatedly performed. (Nakagawa 2024: 155) Auxiliary-like uses of ci are reported in the Shiranuka dialect and apparently exist in the Abuta dialect as well. (reported in Nakagawa 2024: 156) In place of ci, the auxiliary verb pa is used heavily in Saru and Chitose, and is also used in Tokachi and Ishikari. (Nakagawa 2024: 156) The auxiliary verb pa is etymologically identical to the verbal plural suffix -pa, but is synchronically distinct from it. (Nakagawa 2024: 156) Auxiliary pa can attach to the singular form of a transitive verb that distinguishes singular and plural stems (e.g., rayke pa). (Nakagawa 2024: 157) Auxiliary pa can further attach to the plural form of verbs that distinguish singular and plural stems (e.g., osur-pa pa, sinew-pa pa). (Nakagawa 2024: 157) Unlike the suffix -pa, auxiliary pa has no lexical restrictions and appears after independent verbs with diverse semantic content. (Nakagawa 2024: 157) Auxiliary pa expresses either plurality of the subject agent or pluractionality (multiplicity of action). (Nakagawa 2024: 157) When auxiliary pa attaches to a plural verb stem, it denotes multiplicity of action if the verb itself expresses subject plurality, and subject plurality if the verb itself expresses multiplicity of action. (Nakagawa 2024: 158) The verb iki 'do' uniquely allows both iki=an pa (auxiliary pa) and iki-pa=an (suffix -pa) in the fourth person, an exceptional flexibility not shared by other verbs. (Nakagawa 2024: 159) Auxiliary ci and auxiliary pa are in a roughly complementary distribution across dialects: ci is frequent in Shizunai where pa is rare, whereas pa is heavily used in Saru and Chitose where ci is not used at all. (Nakagawa 2024: 159) A plural meaning can be added to verbs without singular/plural distinctions, or added additionally to plural verbs, through postverbal elements such as Sakhalin (a)hci, Shizunai/Horobetsu/Shiranuka ci, and Saru/Chitose/Ishikari pa. (Nakagawa & Fukazawa 2022: 8.4) In Hokkaido Ainu, the postverbal plural marker ci is an older form, which was replaced in the Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari dialects by the innovated form pa. (proposed in Nakagawa & Fukazawa 2022: 8.4) Plurality of action expressed by verb plural forms denotes repetition or occasionally duration of an action. (Refsing 1986: 149) The plural suffix -pa sometimes serves in an iterative function. (Refsing 1986) In the Sakhalin dialect, plural verb forms (marked with -hci) co-occur more consistently with plural subjects of both intransitive and transitive clauses as well as plural objects. (Shibatani 1990: 52) In Sakhalin Ainu, plural verb forms involve both suppletive forms and the unique suffix -hci. (Shibatani 1990: 54) In the Sakhalin dialect, the plural verbal suffix -hci may be attached to auxiliary verbs. (Shibatani 1990) Unlike the causative suffix, the plural suffix -hci is attached after vowel addition to syllable-final r, taking the shape -hci rather than -ahci. (Tangiku 2022: 9.2) The verbal suffix -hci and nominal suffix -hcin express plurality of participants in Karafuto Ainu. (Tangiku 2022: 9.6) The plural suffixes -hci/-hcin take the allomorphs -hci/-hcin after a vowel and -ahci/-ahcin after a consonant. (Tangiku 2022: 9.6) In Karafuto Ainu, the plural marker -ahci/-hci on a transitive verb can agree with a plural subject even when the object is singular. (Tangiku 2022: 9.6) In Karafuto Ainu, the verbal plural marker -hci can agree with a plural object when the subject is singular. (Tangiku 2022: 9.6)

rus patek a=mi wa hotke=an pa
fur only 4.A=wear CONJ sleep=4.S PL
‘We wore only fur and slept.’
a=utárihi hokure poronno túnas suke pa wa ipe pa kironnu pa
4.POSS=companions come.on a.lot quickly cook PL CONJ eat PL be.full PL
‘My companions, hurry, cook plenty, eat, and eat your fill.’
Orohko-utah ariki=hci
Orok-ASS come.PL=PL
‘The Oroks came.’

Mismatches between semantic and stem number

In which contexts does semantic number not match the verb stem number, and what triggers the plural stem?

In the Shizunai dialect, only very few transitive verbs possess distinct plural forms. (Refsing 1986: 31) In Shizunai Ainu, a subject expressing an exact number of entities often occurs with the singular form of verbs that distinguish number. (Refsing 1986) In Shizunai Ainu, when a subject containing an exact number greater than one takes a pronominal affix, the predicate always takes the plural form if available. (Refsing 1986) Previous literature states as an absolute rule that a subject containing a numeral cannot co-occur with a plural verb in Hokkaido Ainu. (reported in Refsing 1986) In Shizunai Ainu, a subject containing a numeral can co-occur with a plural verb when a pronominal affix is attached, and the restriction is not consistently observed even without pronominal affixes. (Refsing 1986) Repetition of an action marked by the habitual auxiliary ranke does not trigger a plural stem on an intransitive verb if the subject is singular. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) Even when the object of a transitive verb is semantically plural and the action is performed multiple times, the plural verb form is not necessarily used. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) In transitive verbs, the singular verb stem can be used even when the objective personal prefix is plural. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) Unlike transitive verbs, the plural form of an intransitive verb reflects only the semantic number of the subject and cannot mark pluractionality. (Nakagawa 2024: 145) Plural marking or suppletion on Ainu verbs should be analyzed as selectional restriction choosing a plural nominal argument rather than as number agreement. (Shibatani 1990: 52) The plurality of a noun is in some cases indicated on the verb that it governs. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) Certain uncountably conceived abstract and mass nouns always govern verbs of plural meaning such as at, ot, ush, and ash. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The verb ash possesses a plural concept, as shown by its use as a first-person plural affix =as. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The verbs at and ot exist only as plural verbs (meaning 'many are present'). (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) The plural-only verbs at and ot are usually used only in the third person. (Kindaichi & Chiri 1936) In intransitive verbs, unlike transitive verbs, forms in which a plural personal affix is attached to a singular verb stem do not occur. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) The singular verb form can sometimes be used with the numeral iwan 'six'. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) In many dialects, including Saru, the quantifier poro-n-no 'many' can cooccur with both singular and plural verb forms. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.3) A small set of verbs, including kor 'have', kar 'make', kus 'pass through', and iki 'do', can take pa inside personal affixes or causative suffixes, behaving morphosyntactically like affix pa¹ despite lacking Type-C morphology. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In a wide range of Hokkaido dialects, the plural causative of kor 'have' is kor-pa-re, where pa appears inside the causative suffix -re and is morphosyntactically pa¹. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) The plural of the causative of kar 'make' nearly always appears as kar-pa-re, with no attested examples of kar-e-pa². (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) In the intransitive verb iki 'do', pa¹ and pa² can freely interchange before or after the personal affix -an without a discernable difference in meaning. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.5) When co-occurring with a numeral expression or referring to an unrealized event, the singular verb form is used in principle, while the plural form is used when it is necessary to clearly express plurality of the verb itself. (Nakagawa 2022: 17.6) Nouns in Ainu do not have a grammatical distinction of number, and singular/plural distinction in verbs does not necessarily correspond to the semantic number of the subject noun. (Nakagawa 2024: 124) Among verbs that distinguish number, intransitive verbs in principle take the plural form when their subject is semantically plural. (Nakagawa 2024: 142) For the vast majority of transitive verbs with a number distinction, singular and plural forms alternate according to the number of the object or the frequency of the action, rather than the subject. (Nakagawa 2024: 143) The singular transitive verb rayke 'kill' can be used even when the object is explicitly marked as second-person plural by the prefix combination a=eci=. (Nakagawa 2024: 144) While the plural form of a transitive verb expresses multiplicity of the patient or the event, the singular form is the default form and does not necessarily imply that the patient is singular or the action is performed only once. (Nakagawa 2024: 145) In Tokachi Ainu, the plural form ronno exists without a corresponding singular form rayke, classifying it as a verb without a singular/plural distinction. (Nakagawa 2024: 147) eraman and eramuan can both be used in the same region and by the same speaker, appearing to be a difference of tone/delivery rather than dialect. (proposed in Nakagawa 2024: 147) In dialects such as Saru, asin / asip is not used for 'go outside'; instead, soyne / soyenpa is normally used. (Nakagawa 2024: 148) In polite imperative sentences with a final particle such as yan, verbs that distinguish singular and plural must appear in the plural form, even when addressing a single person. (Nakagawa 2024: 160) In some dialects where the fourth person is used to express respect toward the addressee, the verb takes the plural form even if the addressee is a single person. (Nakagawa 2024: 160) In the majority of dialects excluding Saru, Chitose, Horobetsu, and similar dialects, when the protagonist of a narrative is represented in the fourth person, verbs take plural forms even though the character is clearly a single person. (Nakagawa 2024: 160) In Saru Ainu, verbs generally appear in the singular form when the subject's number is specified by a numeral indicating two, three, or sometimes up to four. (reported in Nakagawa 2024: 161) In Ainu, the numeral iwan 'six' is frequently used in narratives and elsewhere to indicate a large number, and verbs co-occurring with it frequently take singular forms. (Nakagawa 2024: 161) Although non-specific quantity expressions like poronno 'a lot' or inne 'many' are reported to take plural verbs, singular verbs also occur with poronno or inne in dialects such as Saru, Chitose, Ishikari, and Shizunai. (Nakagawa 2024: 162) Kindaichi interprets the plural forms of transitive verbs as basically denoting plurality of the object. (reported in Refsing 1986: 31) Kindaichi states that the plural form of transitive verbs may also denote either plurality of the subject or respect towards the addressee, as a later analogical development. (reported in Refsing 1986: 31) Many verbs with the plural suffix -pa cited by Kindaichi and Chiri never appear in the plural form in Refsing's Shizunai material. (Refsing 1986: 31) A predicate with a plural pronominal affix attached consistently appears in the plural form (if it has one), even when expressions with a number or numeral are involved. (Refsing 1986) When plurality is clear from context (such as the presence of a quantifier like poronno 'many'), the singular form of a verb may be used instead of the plural. (Satō 2008: 101) Transitive verbs can take a plural form when an action is performed multiple times on a single object. (Satō 2008: 101) Unlike the colloquial register where -an is never combined with singular verbs, in the classical register -an combines with singular verb stems when referring to a first-person singular subject. (Satō 2008: 263) arki is the plural form of ek 'come', and its use with the singular subject a-onaha 'my father' is an unresolved issue. (Satō 2008: 352) While plural agreement via personal affixes is strictly observed, the selection of plural arguments by plural verb forms is optional. (Shibatani 1990: 52) Plural verb forms are selected in syntactic contexts such as imperatives where number agreement by personal affixes is absent. (Shibatani 1990: 52) When the plurality of the subject or object is specified by numerals, only singular verb forms are usable according to Kindaichi (1931). (reported in Shibatani 1990: 52) Plural verb forms are most regularly chosen when intransitive subjects are plural, whereas singular verb forms frequently co-occur with plural objects. (Shibatani 1990: 52) Plural verb forms typically co-occur with a plural subject when the verb is intransitive and with a plural object when it is transitive. (Shibatani 1990: 52) Sentences in which plural verbs co-occur with plural transitive subjects occur in both Classical Ainu and colloquial dialects. (Shibatani 1990: 52) Plural marking on verbs remains optional, so that unmarked verbs occur where plural forms are expected. (Shibatani 1990: 54) Plural verb forms, including suppletive forms, are used as honorific expressions. (Shibatani 1990: 54) The honorific use of plural verb forms is restricted to the expression of deference toward the referent of the subject nominal. (Shibatani 1990: 54) There is no independent object-honorific use of plural verb forms in Ainu. (Shibatani 1990: 58) For verbs expressing actions directed at an object in Karafuto Ainu, the plural stem expresses multiple occurrences of the action rather than necessarily matching the number of the subject or object. (Tangiku 2022: 9.6)

hokure hokure ape sam ta arki yan
come.on come.on fire side LOC come.PL IMP.POL
‘Please come, come near the fire.’
re cise as wa an
three house stand.SG CONJ exist.SG
‘Three houses are standing.’
iwan a=yupi an iwan a=saha an
six 4.POSS=elder.brother exist.SG six 4.POSS=elder.sister exist.SG
‘I had six elder brothers and six elder sisters.’