Knowledge base · source

Ōno 2022

Ōno, Tetsuhito (2022). The history and current status of the Ainu language revival movement. Handbook of the Ainu language (HJLL 12), ch. 12. De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin & Boston.

background hokkaido text held locally OCR handbook-epub: 9 leaves, 9 with a printed page

Claims this source takes a position on

Grouped by topic. The stance is this source's; the other sources that assert, propose, doubt or reject the same claim are listed after it.

The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History 1

1. In modern times, the Ainu people were settled in Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the Kuril Islands.
   近代において、アイヌ民族は明確に区分される民族集団として北海道、樺太、千島列島に定住していた。
   asserts

The e- Applicative 1

1. In some regions, the telephone is called a-e-y-nu-p, an instrumental nominalization formed from a- 'we', e- 'with which', i-nu 'hear voices/sounds', and p 'thing'.
   一部の地域では、電話は a-（我々）、e-（それによって）、i-nu（声／音を聞く）、p（もの）から構成される a-e-y-nu-p と呼ばれる。
   reports

The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization 1

1. All consonants used in the Ainu language also appear in Japanese.
   アイヌ語で用いられる子音はすべて日本語にも現れる。
   asserts

Gendered Speech and Pragmatic Registers 1

1. The polite greeting irankarapte is traditionally given by a man happy to see someone again while performing the ritual gesture of respect (onkami or onkamuy), rather than used as a casual everyday greeting.
   丁寧な挨拶である irankarapte は、伝統的には再会を喜ぶ男性によって敬意を示す伝統的作法（オンカミまたはオンカムイ）を行いながら交わされるものであり、日常的な気軽な挨拶ではない。
   asserts

Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas 2

1. The word ihunke means 'lullaby' in some dialect regions.
   ihunke という語は地域によっては「子守唄」を意味する。
   asserts
2. The word ihunke means 'to curse someone' in some dialect regions.
   ihunke という語はある地域では「誰かを呪う」という意味である。
   asserts

Hortative, Optative, and Cohortative 2

1. The phrase itak-an ro expresses 'let's talk'.
   itak-an ro という表現は「話そう」を意味する。
   asserts
2. The modern expression Iku-an ro! is used to mean 'Let's drink together' as a toast.
   現代の表現 Iku-an ro! は乾杯の際に「一緒に飲もう」という意味で用いられている。
   asserts

Japanese Loanwords and Their Phonological Adaptation 1

1. The Ainu word umma 'horse' was adopted from Japanese uma.
   アイヌ語の umma「馬」は日本語の uma に基づいて借用された。
   asserts

Katakana Orthography and the Extended Small-Kana Codas 1

1. Edo-period Japanese writers developed the special han-dakuten characters ト° and ツ° to represent the Ainu syllable tu.
   江戸時代の和人は、アイヌ語の音節 tu を表すために半濁点付きの「ト°」や「ツ°」という文字を考案した。
   asserts

Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields 1

1. The Ainu word sar means 'field of reeds'.
   アイヌ語の単語 sar は「ヨシ原」を意味する。
   asserts

Northern Contact: Nivkh, Tungusic, and Manchu 1

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, wheat flour was called moka, borrowed from Russian muka.
   樺太アイヌ語では小麦粉をロシア語の muka に由来する moka と呼んだ。
   asserts

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

1. In the Asahikawa dialect, telegrams are called tunas-kampi, literally 'fast letters'.
   旭川方言では電報を tunas-kampi（直訳「速い手紙」）と呼ぶ。
   asserts

The Oral-Literature Genre System and Its Grammatical Signatures 3

1. Heroic epics are designated by the general term yukar (or yukara) in Ainu.
   アイヌ語において英雄叙事詩は一般にyukar（あるいはyukara）と呼ばれる。
   assertspresupposes asserts: majewicz2022 3 statements
2. Divine epics are called kamuy yukar in Ainu.
   神謡はアイヌ語で kamuy yukar と呼ばれる。
   asserts
3. The term uepeker designates traditional folktales.
   uepeker は民話（散文説話）を指す。
   presupposes

The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization 7

1. The Ainu language originally lacked an indigenous writing system.
   アイヌ語には本来、固有の文字体系が存在しなかった。
   asserts asserts: refsing1986 2 statements
2. The word Aynuitak denotes the Ainu language.
   Aynuitak という語はアイヌ語を意味する。
   reports
3. The word yayyukar is explained as meaning 'to act on one's own' in the Ainu language.
   アイヌ語の yayyukar という単語は「自らの手で行動する」という意味であると説明される。
   reports
4. The Japanese state required the Ainu to learn Japanese in education and pressured them to refrain from using the Ainu language.
   日本国家はアイヌに対し教育の一環として日本語の学習を義務付け、アイヌ語の使用を控えるよう圧力をかけた。
   reports
5. By the second half of the twentieth century, the Ainu language was no longer being used in many households.
   20世紀後半までには、多くの家庭ですでにアイヌ語が使われない状況が生じていた。
   asserts
6. The number of fluent speakers of Ainu remains small.
   アイヌ語の流暢な話者の数はいまだ少ない。
   asserts
7. The number of people who speak Ainu as a mother tongue has not increased despite language classes being held in many places for many years.
   アイヌ語教室が各地で長年開催されているにもかかわらず、アイヌ語を母語として話す人の数は増えていない。
   asserts

Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints 1

1. The syllable tu occurs frequently in the Ainu language.
   音節 tu はアイヌ語において頻繁に現れる。
   asserts

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 1

1. Ainu has a five-vowel system consisting of /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, and /u/.
   アイヌ語は /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/ の5母音体系をもつ。
   asserts asserts: alonso2022, bugaeva2012, itabashi2001, kirikae1997, nakagawa2024, sato2008, shibatani1990 8 statements

Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization 7

1. The word yayyukar is explained as meaning 'to act on one's own' in the Ainu language.
   アイヌ語の yayyukar という単語は「自らの手で行動する」という意味であると説明される。
   p. 12.5 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% ainu yayyukar
2. The Japanese state required the Ainu to learn Japanese in education and pressured them to refrain from using the Ainu language.
   日本国家はアイヌに対し教育の一環として日本語の学習を義務付け、アイヌ語の使用を控えるよう圧力をかけた。
   p. 12.2 other reports checked · anchor 100% ainu
3. By the second half of the twentieth century, the Ainu language was no longer being used in many households.
   20世紀後半までには、多くの家庭ですでにアイヌ語が使われない状況が生じていた。
   p. 12.2 other asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
4. Ainu was originally not a written language.
   もともとアイヌ語は文字言語ではなかった。
   p. 12.3 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
5. The number of fluent speakers of Ainu remains small.
   アイヌ語の流暢な話者の数はいまだ少ない。
   p. 12.4 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
6. The number of people who speak Ainu as a mother tongue has not increased despite language classes being held in many places for many years.
   アイヌ語教室が各地で長年開催されているにもかかわらず、アイヌ語を母語として話す人の数は増えていない。
   p. 12.4 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
7. The word Aynuitak denotes the Ainu language.
   Aynuitak という語はアイヌ語を意味する。
   p. 12.4 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% ainu Aynuitak

Hortative, Optative, and Cohortative 2

1. The phrase itak-an ro expresses 'let's talk'.
   itak-an ro という表現は「話そう」を意味する。
   p. 12.6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu itak-an ro
2. The modern expression Iku-an ro! is used to mean 'Let's drink together' as a toast.
   現代の表現 Iku-an ro! は乾杯の際に「一緒に飲もう」という意味で用いられている。
   p. 12.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu iku-an ro

The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History 1

1. In modern times, the Ainu people were settled in Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the Kuril Islands.
   近代において、アイヌ民族は明確に区分される民族集団として北海道、樺太、千島列島に定住していた。
   p. 12.2 other asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Oral-Literature Genre System and Its Grammatical Signatures 4

1. Divine epics are called kamuy yukar in Ainu.
   神謡はアイヌ語で kamuy yukar と呼ばれる。
   p. 12.3 terminology asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kamuy yukar
2. Heroic epics are called yukar in Ainu.
   英雄叙事詩は yukar と呼ばれる。
   p. 12.3 terminology asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu yukar
3. The term yukar designates heroic epics.
   yukar は英雄叙事詩を指す。
   p. 12.4 form-function presupposes checked · anchor 100% ainu yukar
4. The term uepeker designates traditional folktales.
   uepeker は民話（散文説話）を指す。
   p. 12.4 form-function presupposes anchored · anchor 100% ainu uepeker

Synopsis of Lexical-Semantic Fields 1

1. The Ainu word sar means 'field of reeds'.
   アイヌ語の単語 sar は「ヨシ原」を意味する。
   p. 12.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu sar

Lexical Dialectology and the Dialect Atlas 2

1. The word ihunke means 'lullaby' in some regions.
   ihunke という語は地域によっては「子守唄」を意味する。
   p. 12.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ihunke
2. In some regions, the word ihunke means 'to curse someone'.
   ある地域では、ihunke は「誰かを呪う」という意味である。
   p. 12.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ihunke

Gendered Speech and Pragmatic Registers 1

1. The polite greeting irankarapte is traditionally given by a man happy to see someone again while performing the ritual gesture of respect (onkami or onkamuy), rather than used as a casual everyday greeting.
   丁寧な挨拶である irankarapte は、伝統的には再会を喜ぶ男性によって敬意を示す伝統的作法（オンカミまたはオンカムイ）を行いながら交わされるものであり、日常的な気軽な挨拶ではない。
   p. 12.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu irankarapteonkamionkamuy

The Vowel Inventory and Vowel Realization 1

1. The Ainu language has five vowels.
   アイヌ語には日本語と同様に5つの母音がある。
   p. 12.8 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

The Consonant Inventory and Its Phonetic Realization 1

1. All consonants used in the Ainu language also appear in Japanese.
   アイヌ語で用いられる子音はすべて日本語にも現れる。
   p. 12.8 existence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu

Syllable Structure, Phonotactics, and Word-Edge Constraints 1

1. The syllable tu occurs frequently in the Ainu language.
   音節 tu はアイヌ語において頻繁に現れる。
   p. 12.8 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu tu

Katakana Orthography and the Extended Small-Kana Codas 1

1. Edo-period Japanese speakers developed the characters ト° and ツ° to represent Ainu tu.
   江戸時代の和人は、アイヌ語の tu の音を表すためにト°の文字を考案し、またツ°も考案された。
   p. 12.8 other asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu tu

Japanese Loanwords and Their Phonological Adaptation 1

1. The Ainu word umma 'horse' was adopted from Japanese uma.
   アイヌ語の umma「馬」は日本語の uma に基づいて借用された。
   p. 12.8 diachrony asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido umma

Northern Contact: Nivkh, Tungusic, and Manchu 1

1. In Sakhalin Ainu, wheat flour was called moka, borrowed from Russian muka.
   樺太アイヌ語では小麦粉をロシア語の muka に由来する moka と呼んだ。
   p. 12.8 diachrony asserts checked · anchor 100% sakhalin moka

Noun–Noun Compounding: Headedness, Linking, and Semantics 1

1. In the Asahikawa dialect, telegrams are called tunas-kampi, literally 'fast letters'.
   旭川方言では電報を tunas-kampi（直訳「速い手紙」）と呼ぶ。
   p. 12.8 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/central/asahikawa tunas-kampi

The e- Applicative 1

1. In some regions, the telephone is called a-e-y-nu-p, an instrumental nominalization formed from a- 'we', e- 'with which', i-nu 'hear voices/sounds', and p 'thing'.
   一部の地域では、電話は a-（我々）、e-（それによって）、i-nu（声／音を聞く）、p（もの）から構成される a-e-y-nu-p と呼ばれる。
   p. 12.8 form-function reports checked · anchor 100% ainu a-e-y-nu-p

Chapters citing this source

Examples cited from this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. Through much of the twentieth century the Japanese government applied the term 旧土人 (kyū-dojin, 'former aborigines') in official documents, most notably as part of the 1899 legislation that governed the Ainu's legal status . §2 The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History
2. The Hokkaido Former Aborigines Protection Act of 1899 (北海道旧土人保護法) placed the Ainu in a defined legal category as wards of the state, assigned them small agricultural land plots, and legislated their assimilation into Japanese society . §2 The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History
3. No formal legal prohibition of the Ainu language was enacted, but the use of the language was restricted or effectively banned in schools, and children were pressured to learn Japanese in place of Ainu; administrative discrimination reinforced the suppression of public language use . §2 The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History
4. By the second half of the twentieth century the language had ceased to be transmitted to children in most Hokkaido communities . §2 The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History
5. This legislation provided institutional funding for cultural activities and language classes for the first time, but did not recognize the Ainu as an indigenous people with specific rights . §6 The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History
6. The Act on Promoting Measures to Realize a Society in Which the Pride of the Ainu People Is Respected, enacted in April 2019, superseded the 1997 act: it provides the statutory definition of the Ainu as an indigenous people, establishes support mechanisms for cultural and language activities, and authorized the establishment of the National Ainu Museum (Upopoy), which opened in Shiraoi in 2020 . §7 The Ainu People, Their Homeland, and History
7. Under the Matsumae domain system a bilingual interpreter class — (< Jp 通事／通詞) — had mediated trade contact, but the Meiji government's annexation of Hokkaido and its enactment of the Hokkaido Former Natives Protection Act (北海道旧土人保護法) of 1899 reconfigured the position of Ainu speakers decisively . §2 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
8. No statute explicitly prohibited the Ainu language, but its use in institutional settings was discouraged and children were penalised for speaking it, producing a generation-by-generation shift to Japanese . §2 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
9. The last generation with full first-language command was born approximately between 1900 and 1910; their children acquired Japanese as the primary language and did not transmit Ainu in the home ; . §2 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
10. Members of this cohort — sometimes called "rememberers" — have since been recruited as language resources and participants in the revival movement . §3 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
11. The closest available measure in the literature is Ōno's assessment that fluent first-language speakers are today "almost nil" . §8.10 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
12. Her brother Mashiho Chiri produced the major mid-century dictionaries and lexicological studies but framed his programme as recording rather than revival . §3 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
13. The newsletter アイヌ・モシリ (Aynu-mosir), founded by Tasuke Yamamoto (山本多助) and colleagues, ran eighteen issues between 1957 and 1965 in text written almost entirely in Ainu . §3 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
14. He founded the first private Ainu language school at Nibutani in 1983 — after official permit applications had been rejected — and delivered the first Diet speech in Ainu in 1994 . §4.1 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
15. Tatsujirō Kuzuno (葛野辰次郎, 1910–2002) of Shizunai coined the phrase katsu-hozon (活保存, 'living preservation') as the alternative to shi-hozon (死保存, 'posthumous preservation'), a formulation that became a slogan of the revival movement . §4.2 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
16. The Ainu Association of Hokkaido (北海道アイヌ協会; formerly Hokkaido Utari Association) launched structured Ainu Language Classes (アイヌ語教室) in 1987, beginning at Nibutani and Asahikawa and growing to fourteen classes across Hokkaido, subsidised by the Hokkaido Board of Education . §4.3 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
17. They were restructured in 2010 and abolished in 2012 . §4.3 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
18. The 1997 Ainu Cultural Promotion Act (アイヌ文化振興法) established the Foundation for Research and Promotion of Ainu Culture (FRPAC; 財団法人アイヌ文化 振興・研究推進機構), which funded Ainu-language courses, instructor training and dispatch, and cultural programming . §6 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
19. In the same year, the Sapporo District Court's Nibutani Dam ruling — with Kayano Shigeru and Kaizawa Kōichi as plaintiffs — for the first time judicially recognised the Ainu as an indigenous minority under Japanese law . §6 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
20. The 2019 Ainu Policy Promotion Act repealed and superseded the 1997 law and extended for the first time formal statutory recognition of the Ainu as indigenous, with provisions for cultural preservation, ethnic business support, and education . §7 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
21. Leader-training programmes for Ainu-language instructors had been running from Shiraoi since 2008, graduating 23 trainees through 2020, with subsequent cohorts at Biratori; the Sapporo University Urespa Club, founded 2010, trains university students in Ainu language and cultural skills . §7 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
22. The institutional centrepiece of the 2019 framework is the National Ainu Museum and Park — Upopoy (ウポポイ, lit. 'many people singing together') — at Shiraoi on the Pacific coast, opened in July 2020 after delay from the COVID-19 pandemic . §7 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
23. The sequence tu requires either the archaic ト゚ or the modern トゥ; font and encoding problems have been a recurring obstacle in digital contexts . §8.4.1.1 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
24. Roman script needs no special characters and handles digital text more readily, but unfamiliarity among community members who learned to read in Japanese has limited its uptake . §8.4.2 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
25. The convention of marking personal-index clitic boundaries with = and derivational boundaries with - originated in Nakagawa's 1986 annotated collection and has since become the norm in academic publications, including this grammar ; (nukopoli, aynu-corpora Discord, 2024-11-09). §8.4 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
26. A century of disuse created a vocabulary gap that native word-formation had no opportunity to close. Ōno documents the diagnostic asymmetry: during the Meiji period, while Ainu was still in daily use, speakers coined tunas-kampi ('fast paper', i.e. telegram, Asahikawa) for a new technology and assembled the transparent compound a=e-i-nu-p ('the thing with which one hears', i.e. telephone) from native morphological material; by contrast, words for television, computers, and modern administrative institutions were simply borrowed from Japanese untranslated, because Ainu was no longer anyone's daily language when those things spread . §8.9 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
27. Formulaic expressions for marriage congratulations, condolences, and other life-event occasions remain without established Ainu forms; Ōno documents the tendency to revert to Japanese at such moments . §8.10 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
28. The general constraint on coinage is that new words must conform to Ainu grammar and morphological patterns . §8.10 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
29. All teaching is now delivered by instructors whose first language is Japanese, a situation Ōno identifies as likely to affect phonology, morphology, and discourse organisation in learner output . §8.7 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
30. The direct-method approach developed for Māori (Te Ataarangi) has been imported in experimental form to reduce dependence on the grammar-and-translation model that had discouraged community members uninterested in formal linguistic analysis . §8.7 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
31. No standard variety exists across Hokkaido, and few revival participants see the need for one; Ōno anticipates that more than one regional standard may emerge independently . §8.1 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
32. For several communities — Hakodate, Erimo, Rumoi, Otaru — Japanese settlement displaced Ainu speech before any systematic linguistic recording took place, making reconstruction there "almost impossible" . §8.1 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
33. Where ancestral-dialect records are absent, the best-documented variety, Saru, serves as a fallback; dialect mixing arises when instructors have drawn on materials from more than one regional tradition . §8.2 The Sociolinguistic Situation: Endangerment and Revitalization
34. The Handbook of the Ainu language , which she edited, assembles specialist treatments of every major domain: phonology , verbal valency , dialectology , oral literature , historical and comparative linguistics , and the revitalization movement . no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
35. Its history is surveyed in and treated in depth in . no page The History of Ainu Language Description and Previous Research
36. The 1994 Hokkaido Utari Kyōkai textbook consolidated the current standard assignments and provided their widest early distribution ; . no page Katakana Orthography and the Extended Small-Kana Codas
37. The broader revitalization context — the role of the FRPAC, Upopoy, and language-teaching infrastructure in norm diffusion — is documented by . no page Orthographic Standardization and the Word-Division Problem
38. Concepts introduced during the decades when Ainu was no longer used in daily life simply appear as untranslated Japanese forms: terebi 'television', sinbun 'newspaper', zeikin 'tax', ginkō 'bank', denwa 'telephone'. Ōno's formulation is precise: "no Ainu vocabulary has been found to refer to televisions or computers … during the period when these things became widespread, the Ainu language was rarely used in Ainu daily lives" . §8.9 Japanese Loanwords and Their Phonological Adaptation
39. Contrast the handful of native-era coinages for Meiji-period technology, which show that Ainu was still spoken when those concepts spread: tunas-kampi 'telegram' (literally 'fast paper/letter', Asahikawa) and a-e-y-nu-p 'telephone' (literally 'the thing with which we hear one another') are built from native and nativized material rather than borrowed from Japanese . §8.9 Japanese Loanwords and Their Phonological Adaptation