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Satō 2009

Satō Tomomi 佐藤知己 (2009). アイヌ語の条件表現について[On the conditional expressions of Ainu]. Tsumagari Toshirō 津曲敏郎 (ed.), サハリンの言語世界 [The linguistic world of Sakhalin], 49–56. Graduate School of Letters, Hokkaido University 北海道大学大学院文学研究科, Sapporo.

prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 6 leaves, 0 with a printed page

11chapters citing
20citing sentences
5examples
21statements extracted
20claims with a stance

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Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses 20

  1. 条件接続助詞 yakun は広い用法を持ち、日本語の「レバ」「タラ」「ナラ」に相当する複数の領域をカバーする。
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  2. 接続助詞 cik は用例が少ない。
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  3. ciki は個別的事態の仮定を表すが、文末のムードに制約があり、原則として疑問または命令のムードが現れる。
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  4. 接続助詞 kor の事実的用法はかなり稀である。
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  5. kor は一般的な因果関係を表すのに用いられる。
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  6. kor は個別的事態の仮定を表すのにも用いられるが、文末にはムードの制約があり、疑問詞疑問文で用いられるのが通例である。
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  7. kor は一般的因果関係(「命名のレベル」)の表現にも用いられるが、通例は「現象のレベル」や「判断のレベル」とは共起しない。
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  8. アイヌ語の条件表現には、文末に「命令」や「疑問」のムードを指定する用法を持つものがある(ciki、kor)。
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  9. アイヌ語では一部の条件表現が疑問および命令のモダリティ表現のみを要求するため、認識的モダリティが必ずしも決定的な役割を果たさない。
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  10. アイヌ語の条件表現は通例、接続助詞によって形成される。
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  11. 条件表現を表す接続助詞として、ciki、kor、yak、yakun、yakne は仮定的条件を、akusu、awa は事実的条件を表す。
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  12. akusu (akus) は事実的な条件を表す。
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  13. 事実的条件を表す akusu の前に ruwe ne が生起することがある。
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  14. アイヌ語において、条件表現の後に諾否疑問文が現れる確実な例は今のところ見いだされていない。
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  15. アイヌ語には、「判断のレベル」に属する条件表現とされる日本語の「ナラ」に当たるような専用の形式もないようである。
    proposes
  16. 接続助詞 yakne および awa は、主として口承文芸のテキストに現れる。
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  17. yak は後に pirka「良い」、wen「悪い」を取って、「すれば良い」、「してはいけない」のような慣用句的表現をなして用いられることが多い。
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  18. yak は聞き手に対する働きかけの意味を含んでいるのが通例であり、これも一種の文末のムードに関する制約と言える。
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  19. 条件標識 yakun は「個別的事態」の仮定に用いられる。
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  20. yakun の後続節の文末には、「真偽判断」のみならず、命令、意志、疑問のようなムードも現れる。
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Statements extracted from this source

Each statement is what the source commits to at one place, in normalised wording, with its type, stance and scope; the page number comes from the page footer of the OCR dump. Status tells how far a statement has been checked.

Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses 21

  1. In Ainu, no reliable examples have been found so far where a yes-no question appears following a conditional expression.
    アイヌ語において、条件表現の後に諾否疑問文が現れる確実な例は今のところ見いだされていない。
    leaf 6 absence asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
  2. There appears to be no dedicated conditional form in Ainu corresponding to Japanese nara, which belongs to the level of judgment.
    アイヌ語には、「判断のレベル」に属する条件表現とされる日本語の「ナラ」に当たるような専用の形式もないようである。
    leaf 6 absence proposes checked · anchor 100% ainu
  3. In Ainu, some conditional expressions require only interrogative and imperative modal expressions in the main clause, so epistemic mood does not necessarily play a crucial role.
    アイヌ語では一部の条件表現が疑問および命令のモダリティ表現のみを要求するため、認識的モダリティが必ずしも決定的な役割を果たさない。
    leaf 6 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
  4. The connective yakun has an exceptionally broad range of usage among Ainu conditional expressions, corresponding to at least three different conditional expressions in Japanese.
    アイヌ語の条件表現の中で yakun は日本語の少なくとも3つの異なる条件表現に相当する極めて広い用法を持つ。
    leaf 6 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu yakun
  5. The conditional marker yakun is used for hypothesizing individual situations.
    条件標識 yakun は「個別的事態」の仮定に用いられる。
    leaf 4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu yakun
  6. In clauses following yakun, not only epistemic judgement ('真偽判断') but also moods such as imperative, volitional, and interrogative can appear sentence-finally.
    yakun の後続節の文末には、「真偽判断」のみならず、命令、意志、疑問のようなムードも現れる。
    leaf 4 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu yakun
  7. akusu (akus) expresses factual conditions.
    akusu (akus) は事実的な条件を表す。
    leaf 4 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu akusuakus
  8. The nominalizer-plus-copula construction ruwe ne can precede the factual conditional marker akusu.
    事実的条件を表す akusu の前に ruwe ne が生起することがある。
    leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu ruwe neakusu
  9. yakun has a broad range of uses, subsuming the domains of Japanese -reba, -tara, and -nara.
    yakun は広い用法を持ち、日本語のレバ、タラ、ナラに相当する領域をカバーする。
    leaf 5 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu yakun
  10. Among Ainu conditional markers, there are forms (such as ciki and kor) that specify an imperative or interrogative mood sentence-finally in the main clause.
    アイヌ語の条件表現には、文末に「命令」や「疑問」のムードを指定する用法を持つものがある(ciki、kor)。
    leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu cikikor
  11. Although kor is used to express general causal relationships ('naming level'), it usually does not co-occur with expressions at the 'phenomenon level' or 'judgement level'.
    kor は一般的因果関係(「命名のレベル」)の表現にも用いられるが、通例は「現象のレベル」や「判断のレベル」とは共起しない。
    leaf 5 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu kor
  12. Conditional expressions in Ainu are usually formed by conjunctional particles.
    アイヌ語の条件表現は通例、接続助詞によって形成される。
    leaf 2 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% ainu
  13. The conjunctional particles ciki, kor, yak, yakun, and yakne express hypothetical conditions, whereas akusu and awa express factual conditions.
    条件表現を表す接続助詞として、ciki、kor、yak、yakun、yakne は仮定的条件を、akusu、awa は事実的条件を表す。
    leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose cikikoryakyakunyakneakusuawa
  14. The conjunction cik has very few attestations.
    接続助詞 cik は用例が少ない。
    leaf 3 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose cik
  15. The conjunctional particles yakne and awa appear mainly in texts of oral literature.
    接続助詞 yakne および awa は、主として口承文芸のテキストに現れる。
    leaf 3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose yakneawa
  16. Factual uses of the conjunction kor are quite rare.
    接続助詞 kor の事実的用法はかなり稀である。
    leaf 3 frequency asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose kor
  17. The conjunction ciki expresses a hypothesis of an individual event, and is subject to a mood constraint such that the main clause in principle takes an interrogative or imperative mood.
    ciki は個別的事態の仮定を表すが、文末のムードに制約があり、原則として疑問または命令のムードが現れる。
    leaf 3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose ciki
  18. The conjunction kor is used to express general causal relationships.
    kor は一般的な因果関係を表すのに用いられる。
    leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose kor
  19. The conjunction kor is also used to express hypotheses of individual events, but with a constraint on the clause-final mood, usually appearing in wh-interrogative sentences.
    kor は個別的事態の仮定を表すのにも用いられるが、文末にはムードの制約があり、疑問詞疑問文で用いられるのが通例である。
    leaf 3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose kor
  20. The conjunction yak is frequently used with pirka 'good' or wen 'bad' following it, forming idiomatic expressions meaning 'one should do' or 'one must not do'.
    yak は後に pirka「良い」、wen「悪い」を取って、「すれば良い」、「してはいけない」のような慣用句的表現をなして用いられることが多い。
    leaf 3 form-function asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose yakpirkawen
  21. Clauses marked with yak are typically subject to a mood-like constraint in that they usually convey an appeal or directive toward the addressee.
    yak は聞き手に対する働きかけの意味を含んでいるのが通例であり、これも一種の文末のムードに関する制約と言える。
    leaf 3 distribution asserts checked · anchor 100% hokkaido/chitose yak

Chapters citing this source

Examples cited from this source

kanpi ku=sanke ru-we ne akusu itasa kanpi ek ru-we ne
letter 1SG.A=send.out track-POSS COP CONJ in.return letter come track-POSS COP
‘I sent a letter, and a reply came.’
e=ype rusuy haw-e ne yakun tan kaboca e
2SG.S=eat.a.meal DES voice-POSS COP CONJ this pumpkin eat
‘If you are saying that you are hungry, eat this pumpkin.’
kanpi ku=sanke ru-we ne akusu itasa kanpi ek ru-we ne
letter 1SG.A=send.out track-POSS COP CONJ in.return letter come track-POSS COP
‘I had sent a letter, and in return a letter came.’
sirkunne yakun suy ruyanpe an nankor
get.dark CONJ again storm exist probably
‘If it gets dark, there will probably be another storm.’
kanpi ku=sanke ru-we ne akusu itasa kanpi ek ru-we ne
letter 1SG.A=send.out track-POSS COP CONJ in.return letter come track-POSS COP
‘I sent a letter, and (then, it turned out) a reply arrived.’

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

  1. Satō notates the same morphemes with hyphens — ku-ye, a-kor — as does Ijäs's teaching grammar , and Yu records both practices side by side . 53–54 Interlinear Glossing, Abbreviations, and Citation Conventions
  2. One productive minor construction builds on the copula by adding the conditional particle : the frame [Subject] [Complement] ne yakun expresses a condition on class membership or identity — 'if (S) is (C), then …' ; . no page Oblique and Adjunct Syntax; Verbless and Presentational Clauses
  3. Satō's dedicated study finds that Ainu conditionals are mood-constrained but do not privilege the epistemic mood the way Japanese conditionals do: the language has no conditional restricted to truth-judgement, yet it has conditionals that require an imperative or interrogative matrix . 53–54 Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
  4. Yakun is the broadest member, attested with declarative, interrogative, imperative, and volitional or conjectural matrices, and so it bears most of the translator's load across Japanese レバ, タラ, and ナラ ; . 51–53 Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
  5. Yak attaches to law-like or warning premises and clusters with an evaluative pirka ‘good’ or wen ‘bad’; ciki and conditional kor are the mood-bound members, ciki introducing a premise for a command or question and kor the general-causation conditional that elsewhere requires a wh-interrogative matrix ; . 50–51 Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
  6. Satō notes one cross-linguistically marked interaction at this seam: akusu can follow a ruwe ne tail, where the Japanese factual と/たら rejects a preceding のだ . 52–53 Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
  7. Their core function is to present a completed first event followed by a second event that comes to the participant's attention — "the anterior event actually happened, and then coincidentally (偶発的に) the posterior event occurred" . 52 The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage
  8. Satō classes the construction as a factual condition (事実的条件): the protasis is realized rather than hypothetical, and the apodosis reports the encountered consequence ; . 52 The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage
  9. Japanese factual conditional と / たら cannot follow a preceding のだ, yet Ainu places no such constraint on the ruwe ne akusu sequence: the first event is presented as knowledge-established fact and the discovery linker then opens the encountered consequence . 52–53 The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage
  10. A member of the aynu-corpora Discord community corroborates both the frequency and the discourse function of this sequence. nukopoli (aynu-corpora Discord, 2024) observes that ruwe ne is associated with scene transition and summary framing in prose narrative, and that ruwe ne akusu functions as a compound of that discourse anchoring with the discovery connective ‹speculative› — corroborated by . 52 The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage
  11. Satō characterizes this as 一般的因果関係 ; Nakagawa glosses it 〜すると(たびに) and gives as a stock example sironuman kor cikap utar iwak 'when it gets dark the birds go home' . 51 Simultaneous kor 'while' and Overlapping-Event Clauses
  12. Satō's study of Ainu conditionals identifies a mood constraint on this reading: with a declarative matrix clause, the habitual kor expresses a general truth; for a one-off individual event it is restricted to wh-interrogative matrix clauses . 51 Simultaneous kor 'while' and Overlapping-Event Clauses
  13. Satō's dedicated study of Chitose conditional expressions finds that Ainu conditionals impose no restriction tied to epistemic-judgement mood, yet they do impose restrictions linked to directive and interrogative illocution — a distributional pattern not predicted by hierarchies of conditionality derived from Japanese . 53–54 Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses
  14. Yakun is the broadest and most frequent of the conditional particles, attested in Saru and Chitose with declarative, imperative, interrogative, and conjectural matrix clauses alike; Satō's study finds no mood restriction on it ; . 51–53 Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses
  15. Japanese distributes comparable functions across three conditional forms (レバ, タラ, ナラ); Ainu lays them largely on yakun, so a Japanese rendering must disambiguate by context . 53 Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses
  16. Ciki (Shizunai, Samani, and Tokachi cik) presents a premise for which the speaker issues a command or asks a question; the particle consequently requires an imperative or interrogative matrix clause and is ill-formed with a declarative ; ; . 50–51 Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses
  17. Satō finds that conditional kor takes a declarative matrix in general-causation statements; for a one-off individual event the particle is restricted to wh-interrogative matrices . 51 Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses
  18. Japanese conditionals tend to be organized around epistemic-judgement mood; Ainu conditionals impose no such restriction on yakun, yet they restrict ciki to imperative or interrogative matrices and restrict conditional kor to declarative (for general truths) or wh-interrogative (for individual events) . 53–54 Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses
  19. Ainu thus allows [clause — established fact — discovery-link], while Japanese does not; this difference argues that the interaction of evidentiality with clause-linking is organized differently in the two languages . 52–53 Conditional, Temporal, and Concessive Clauses
  20. This is consistent with Dal Corso's finding and with the observation by Satō that akusu can attach after a ruwe ne tail — a combination that would be anomalous in Japanese, where the factual と/たら conditionals reject a preceding のだ . 52–53 Tail-Head Linkage and Narrative Clause Cohesion