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Sakaguchi 2024

Sakaguchi Ryō 阪口諒 (2024). 樺太アイヌ語における人称と数の標示に関する研究[A study of person and number marking in Sakhalin Ainu (dissertation)].

prior-analysis sakhalin text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 119 leaves, 0 with a printed page

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1. A parallel gradation in morphophonological tightness across person-marking sub-classes has been documented for Sakhalin Ainu , providing a comparative point for the Hokkaido two-way split. no page Personal-Affix Junctural Sandhi, =an/a= Allomorphy, and Connected-Speech Reduction
2. Sakaguchi distinguishes the two Sakhalin suffixes: -(a)hcin marks a homogeneous plural (all members standing in the same possessive relation), while -utara may mark homogeneous or approximative plurality and extends to personal names ; . 12 Nominal Number: Transnumerality, -utar, and the Locus of Plurality
3. Bugaeva, on prosodic and separability grounds, distinguishes word-like =an and =as, clitic-like a= and eci=, and fuller prefixes such as ku=, en=, and i= that shift the accent kernel; Nakagawa writes the whole set with = for convenience yet flags the unusual autonomy of =an, which can be separated from its verb; Sakaguchi’s explicit clitic/affix criteria, developed for Sakhalin material, likewise rank fourth-person =an as the most autonomous subject marker ; ; ‹contested›. ix, 77–85, 163 Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms
4. The minimal pair iki=an pa and iki-pa=an places the outer pa after the fourth-person suffix and the stem-forming suffix -pa before it ; ; . 12 Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms
5. The Sakhalin verbal plural =hci and its relatives attach outside the person-inflected verb; their classification as number rather than third-person marking is a point on which Nakagawa and Sakaguchi converge against earlier descriptions ; ; . 77–83, 163 Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms
6. Sakaguchi's explicit clitic/affix criteria — developed primarily for Sakhalin material, and applied to Hokkaido only by extension — place root-bound personal indexes in the prefixal class and rank =an/=as as the most autonomous subject markers; on these diagnostics, ku= would belong to the fully prefixal end ‹contested›. ix, 77–85, 163 First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=)
7. Sakaguchi reports that the ci=-series functions as a grammatically plural encoding of the first singular, while the fourth-person an=-series covers both first singular and first plural without an exclusive/inclusive split of the Hokkaido type ‹SA›. 26–27, 162–163 First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=)
8. Sakaguchi's explicit diagnostics, formulated for Sakhalin material, classify -as as root-attaching (affixal) and fourth-person =an as autonomous (clitic-like) — reversing Bugaeva's ranking for =as — while both agree that =an is the most autonomous of the subject indexes ‹contested›. ix, 62–64, 77–85, 163 First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=)
9. Hokkaido Ainu expresses verbal plurality through three further devices: suppletive stem alternations such as arpa / paye 'go', a root-attaching suffix -pa, and — in Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari — an outer plural auxiliary that follows the fully person-inflected verb ; ; . 12 The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism
10. Sakaguchi formalises the criterion — a marker that attaches to the fully person-inflected form is a clitic rather than an affix — for Sakhalin Ainu; the most directly relevant Hokkaido evidence is the Saru/Chitose/Ishikari outer pa ‹contested›. 77–85, 163 The eci= Portmanteau (1A→2O) and Second-Person Plural Syncretism
11. The clitic-or-affix status of =an and a= is contested: Bugaeva treats =an as word-like and a= as clitic-like on the basis of prosodic independence and separability; Nakagawa writes all person indexes with = as a convenient notation and separately documents the high autonomy of =an; Sakaguchi's formal clitic criterion — developed on Sakhalin evidence — converges on the same autonomy ranking for the fourth-person S form ; ; ‹contested›. ix, 62–64, 77–85, 163 The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing
12. Nakagawa's minimal pair from Saru makes the contrast explicit ; : 12 The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing
13. Dal Corso applies the label "fourth person" to the cognate Sakhalin AN-series by word form, while his diachronic reanalysis — which rejects the tripartite component for Sakhalin and treats the cognate system as mixed nominative–neutral–inverse — is explicitly cautioned as inapplicable to Hokkaido ; ‹contested›. 26–27, 162–163 The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing
14. He applies this to Sakhalin Ainu, where the verbal plural =hci appears outside the inflected verb and the root-attaching plural suffix -pa inside it . 12, 77–85, 163 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
15. Under his analysis the 4th-person =an/an= is classified as highly autonomous and clitic-like, while 1PL.EXCL -as is treated as a root-attaching affix — a verdict that parts from Bugaeva, who places =as in the same word-like class as =an ; ‹contested›. ix, 62–64, 77–85, 101, 163 The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering
16. Sakaguchi applies a formal positional criterion — a clitic (接語) attaches to the person-inflected form rather than to the root — and concludes that the Saru, Chitose, and Ishikari outer element is a clitic, distinct from the root-attaching suffix . 12, 77–83 Person–Number Interactions and Plural Agreement
17. Sakaguchi applies formal positional diagnostics and arrives at the same result: =hci attaches to the person-inflected verb, can follow an auxiliary, and precedes a nominalizer — the signature of a clitic over the person-inflected form, not a root-level agreement suffix . 77–83, 163 Person–Number Interactions and Plural Agreement
18. Bugaeva's three-way gradation of the indexes by prosodic and separability tests — word-like =an and =as, clitic-like a= and eci=, full prefixes such as ku= and en= — and Nakagawa's independent identification of =an as separable from the verb by particles reflect a cline of morphological tightness that is orthogonal to the alignment classification ; ; ‹contested›. ix, 62–64, 77–85 Tripartite, Nominative-Accusative, and the Central Alignment Debate
19. In SA the morpheme 'an-/='an functions as first-person plural in the speech of younger speakers, and as first-person singular in the elderly register, the inverse of its value in HK ; . no page A Glossed Sakhalin (Enciw) Text with Hokkaido Contrast
20. Sakaguchi provides the most detailed morphological analysis of the SA person–number paradigm to date ‹speculative›. no page A Glossed Sakhalin (Enciw) Text with Hokkaido Contrast