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Takahashi 2018

Takahashi Yasushige 高橋靖以 (2018). アイヌ語幌別方言における名詞化辞の文法化[The grammaticalization of nominalizers in the Horobetsu dialect]. 北方言語研究 8, 107–114.

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1. Six further dialect areas enter the description where sources allow: Shizunai (SHI), documented most fully by ; Horobetsu (HOR), the subject of Takahashi's morphosyntactic studies ; Tokachi (TOK), whose dialect is documented in Takahashi's Tokachi example collection and evidentiality and deixis studies ; Ishikari (ISH), described by ; and the more sparsely attested Asahikawa (ASA) and Yakumo (YAK) areas. no page The Dialect Sample and the Corpus-Quantification Method
2. Takahashi's study of the Horobetsu dialect shows that the formal-noun nominalizers — including p/pe and the possessive-suffix set — undergo a further stage in Horobetsu, functioning as adverbial clause markers and conjunction-like linkers in contexts that the better-documented southern dialects (Saru, Chitose) handle with other strategies . no page Deverbal and Denominal Noun Derivation (Lexical Nominalizer Morphology)
3. The same nominalizer feeds clause linkage at the far end of the cline: a bleached p ~ pe works as an adversative conjunction ‘though, and yet’, no longer an argument of the following clause, and the Horobetsu nominalizers grammaticalize a step further into adverbial-clause markers ; . 107–112 The Nominalizers -p/-pe and -i/-hi (Participant, Event, Place, Fact)
4. The diachronic source in lexical nouns remains transparent (Bugaeva's nominalization-cline stages, ), and partial grammaticalization explains why the same forms build RC heads, complement clauses, evidential assertions, and — at the furthest end of the cline — conjunctions and adverbial-clause markers ; . 107–112 Nominalized Complements and Control/Raising
5. The diachronic path is already stated in the early grammars: the source nouns function first as lexical nouns, then as clause-nominalizing heads in embedded complements, then as clause-final evidential sentence-enders ; . 111 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
6. Horobetsu grammaticalizes the possessed-form nominalizers a step further into adverbial-clause markers and conjunction-like particles — a use not reported for well-described Saru . 107–112 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
7. Kindaichi and Chiri had already noted the nominalizers in conjunction-like uses; Takahashi shows Horobetsu has systematized this extension, bringing evidentiality into the set of categories expressed in adverbial clauses alongside aspect and modality — an instance of 'versatile nominalization' ‹corpus-suggested›. 112 The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema
8. Dal Corso stresses that the result is only partially grammaticalized — the lexical source stays visible and the choice of post-nominal predicate still matters — so grammaticalization here is a matter of degree ; . 111 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
9. Horobetsu grammaticalizes the possessed-form nominalizers a step further, into adverbial-clause and conjunction-like markers — a ‘versatile nominalization’ use not reported for well-described Saru . 107–112 ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential
10. The diachronic path parallels those of the other formal nouns (see ): the noun yields the possessed formal noun sir-i 'the appearance of —', which grammaticalizes as the clause-final evidential [clause] siri ne ; . 111 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
11. The earliest attestation is Chiri's adversative construction (ci-sautar-i sinki siri suke ki wa … 'my sisters, though tired, cooked…') . 108, 111 siri ne — the Direct-Perception / Situational Evidential
12. Chiri described the diachronic shift as running from 'there is a voice/rumor of X' (「云々の声がある」「云々の噂がある」) to the hearsay assertive (cited via ), following the same cline documented for all four evidentials: sensory noun > possessed formal noun > clause-final evidential . 111 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
13. The shift from sensory noun to formal noun is transparent and is noted in the earliest grammars: haw 'voice' > haw-e (possessed) 'the voice of —' > hawe ne 'it is said that …', parallel to the evolution of sir, hum, and ru ; ; . 111 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
14. Horobetsu — the possessed-form nominalizer hawe grammaticalizes a step further into adverbial-clause and conjunctive-particle uses not reported for well-described Saru, extending the 'versatile nominalization' cline . 107–112 hawe ne — the Reportative / Hearsay Evidential
15. Horobetsu grammaticalizes the possessed-form nominalizers a step further into adverbial-clause markers and conjunctive-particle uses not attested in well-described Saru — an instance of what Takahashi calls 'versatile nominalization' . 107–112 humi ne — the Non-Visual Sensory Evidential
16. documents uses in which the nominalizers function not as complement-clause heads but as adverbial-clause markers — subordinating-conjunction-like elements — without a following copula. 108, 111 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
17. notes that this versatile adverbial use is anticipated in Kindaichi & Chiri's 1936 description of nominalizers as conjunctive particles , suggesting the Stage III path is of some age within Horobetsu rather than a recent innovation. 111–112 Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles
18. This partial grammaticalization is reflected in synchronic dialect layering: Tokachi and Ishikari use the bare concept forms ru / sir / haw / hum where Saru and Chitose use the possessed forms, and Horobetsu has extended the possessed forms into conjunctive and adverbial-clause roles ; . 107–112 Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways
19. The forms at each stage are not synonymous across all contexts, and the distributional differences between stages reveal the grammaticalization constraints: the possessed form (ruwe) has wider contextual distribution than the bare concept form (ru), and the bare form retains combinatorial restrictions that the possessed form has shed ; . 107–112 Internal Reconstruction and Grammaticalization Pathways