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Baker 1988

Baker, Mark C. (1988). Incorporation: A theory of grammatical function changing. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

typological-framework general

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1. The first is the argument-slot count, an invariant abstract property of the lexical or derived verb, filled equally by a person affix, a nominal-derivational prefix, or an incorporated noun — so that incorporation is slot-filling and needs no head-movement analysis of the kind associated with . no page Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
2. Bugaeva places Ainu among the polysynthetic languages in Baker’s sense while recording where it departs from the Mohawk prototype — its word order, its in-situ wh, and its unrestricted morphological causatives ; ‹contested›. no page Valency, Voice, and Noun Incorporation: Overview
3. Shibatani (1990) demonstrates that Baker's Case-theoretic prediction — that unaccusative bases are blocked from applicative formation — is falsified in Ainu, which does applicativize unaccusatives ; . no page The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
4. Baker's (1988) P-incorporation theory treats applicative formation as preposition/postposition incorporation into the verb, promoting its complement to object; Shibatani (1990) applies this framing to the Ainu data, and its most direct analytical consequence is the feeding-relation account above ; . no page The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate
5. Baker's incorporation analysis, which treats applicative formation as P-incorporation in the syntax, is the nearest theoretical alternative present in the literature consulted ; ‹contested›. no page The e- Applicative
6. The affix order in Stage 3 instantiates Baker's Mirror Principle : the morphological order mirrors the syntactic derivation because applicative formation precedes incorporation. no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
7. Baker's Case-theoretic prediction that applicative formation (P-incorporation) should be impossible on unaccusative bases is falsified by Ainu ; ; . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
8. The applied object's accessibility to gap-formation and incorporation would then be a secondary consequence of that specifier position — not a primitive direct-object property . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
9. Whether Ainu NI is best analysed as purely lexical, as Baker's syntactic head-movement, or as a hybrid that must reference both grammatical relations and semantic roles as Shibatani proposes is a dispute the sources consulted do not resolve; it is taken up in ; ; ‹contested›. no page Object (Patient) Noun Incorporation
10. First, the affix ordering is not arbitrary: the incorporated noun sits outside the applicative, which sits inside the verb root — the order applicative-inside / incorporated-noun-outside mirrors the derivational history, consistent with what Baker (1988) terms the Mirror Principle ; . no page Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate
11. Baker (1988) derives from Case theory that unaccusative clauses cannot undergo applicative or P-incorporation, because the internal argument already fills the available Case position . no page Oblique Incorporation and the Syntactic-vs-Lexicalist Debate
12. Mithun's four-type developmental scale is a typology of noun incorporation, and its implicational steps concern patients and case, not manner modifiers ; the syntactic (Baker) and lexicalist (Rosen) accounts likewise take N-into-V as the object of study ; ; . "Adverb incorporation" is named in passing rather than established as a category parallel to noun incorporation ‹contested›. no page Adverbial (Manner) Incorporation and the Property-Verb Question
13. further uses the attested A-incorporation pattern (ku=koy-yanke 'the waves wash me ashore') to argue against Baker's () syntactic head-movement theory of incorporation: since the person index already anchors the argument inside the verb, incorporation need not be derived by NP movement. 229–232 Argument Realization: Affix Indexing and Free NP Order
14. Satō's analysis, using Role and Reference Grammar, reaches a structurally PAH-like result — person affixes fill the argument positions inside the CORE, NPs sit outside it as optional adjuncts — but within a framework that does not endorse the PAH label, and it explicitly rejects the head-movement analysis of as unable to handle the attested subject incorporation in Ainu (koy-yanke 'the waves wash [me] ashore', where the A argument is incorporated into the verb) ; . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate