Knowledge base · source

Satō 2006b

Satō Tomomi 佐藤知己 (2006b). 千歳方言のアスペクト——kor an、wa an[Aspect in the Chitose dialect: kor an, wa an].

prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 17 leaves, 0 with a printed page

Chapters citing this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. Satō draws the selectional line sharply: an action verb leaves no direct result for wa an to predicate, so action perfects fall to the auxiliary a instead, and only change and stative verbs enter wa an ; . 63 Tense, Aspect, Mood, and Modality: Overview
2. Nakagawa concedes the matter needs further discussion ; ‹contested›. 65 Tense, Aspect, Mood, and Modality: Overview
3. Saru and Chitose kane an adds a noteworthy-situation nuance, while Shizunai and Samani use it as a plain merger of kor an and wa an; Tokachi and Ishikari have kan an, and Tokachi tek an ; . 84–85 Tense, Aspect, Mood, and Modality: Overview
4. The Kindaichi–Tamura tradition reads it as perfective or past; Bugaeva and Satō read an actional perfect that, on Satō's account, cannot combine with a negative and so leaves the stative perfect to wa an; Nakagawa, following Yoshikawa, denies it is tense or aspect at all, taking it to mark an event set in contrast to a following one; and Yoshikawa's handbook chapter analyses it as perfective with a direct-evidential, witnessed-reminiscence component ; ; ; ‹contested›. 63 Tense, Aspect, Mood, and Modality: Overview
5. Bugaeva and Satō treat it as an actional perfect — a past event with present relevance — which yields a past reading but is not a tense category ; . 63 Tenselessness and the Time-Reference System
6. The canonical environment is a change verb: the nearest Japanese equivalents are 〜ている in its result-state reading and 〜てある ; ; ; . no page The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect
7. Satō extends the action-verb exclusion into a complementary-distribution claim: the actional perfect — completion of an action, without implying a residual state — belongs exclusively to the auxiliary a, while wa an covers only stative perfects (a result state persists) ; ‹corpus-suggested›. 63 The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect
8. Any impression of deliberateness is a contextual by-product of the action/result distinction rather than its basis ; . 65 The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect
9. Tokachi and Ishikari have kan an — leaning progressive in Tokachi, resultative in Ishikari — and Tokachi additionally uses tek an for the resultative of change verbs ; . 84–85 The Existential-Aspect System: kor an Progressive and wa an Resultative-Perfect
10. The stative or resultative perfect — 'V-ed (and is still in that state)' — is expressed by wa an instead ; . 63 The Perfective/Anterior Particle a (a, a…a, aan)
11. Its aspectual behaviour differs in that it is unconstrained by verb class: it accepts action verbs (progressive reading) and change-of-state verbs (resultative reading) equally, merging the two values into a single durative continuative ; ; . 84–85 The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an
12. In Shizunai and Samani, kane an carries no such nuance and functions as the plain imperfective, replacing both kor an and wa an without selectional constraint on verb class ; ‹contested›. 84–85 The 'Appearance' Continuative: siran, siri…, and kane an
13. The full distributional and frequency evidence for the kor an progressive, its contrast with wa an, and the eight-form aspectual paradigm as a whole are developed in , which draws on Satō's dedicated Chitose aspect study . no page Simultaneous kor 'while' and Overlapping-Event Clauses