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Kobayashi 2015

Kobayashi Miki 小林美紀 (2015). アイヌ語動詞の結合価と項構造[Valency and argument structure of the Ainu verb (dissertation)].

prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 63 leaves, 0 with a printed page

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1. The principal members are , , and , along with morphologically complex forms derived from them ; ; . no page Verbal Subclasses: A Valence-Based Word-Class Taxonomy
2. It also attaches freely to derived stems — those prefixed by applicatives or reciprocal u- — while the non-productive suffixes do not . 33 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
3. Many verbs that take -ka in northeastern Hokkaido appear with -re/-te/-e in Saru; intra-dialectal doublets such as nam-te ~ nam-ka in Saru document the change in progress ; . 33 The Morphological Causative -re / -e / -te
4. A second suffix, -ka, overlaps in function with the forming suffixes but extends to stative and property bases and to derived stems, placing it on the boundary between the forming-suffix category and the productive direct causative; the literature has not settled its classification ; ‹contested›. 33 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
5. In Saru, the pair nam-te ~ nam-ka 'make cold' shows intra-dialectal competition between the productive suffix -te and -ka on the same base ; the analytical implications are taken up in the debate section below. 33 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
6. Two properties distinguish it: intra-dialectal alternation with -re/-e/-te (the nam-te ~ nam-ka Saru pair noted above), and attachment to derived stems — ar-us-tek-ka 'annihilate' and ipe-rusuy-ka 'make hungry' both show -ka appended to a multi-morpheme derived stem, a combinatorial freedom the closed -V and -ke forming suffixes do not share . 33 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
7. This behavior is consistent with Kobayashi's evidence that -ka operates at the same morphological level as the productive causative rather than with the most lexicalized forming suffixes . 33 The Transitivizer -ka and Lexical Valency Pairs
8. The distinction predicts which slot a new participant targets and clarifies when applicative and causative are alternatives for expanding the argument frame ; . 33 Causee Marking, Ditransitive and Double Causatives
9. The suffix -yar, and its allomorph -ar, introduces a causer as the new subject but suppresses the causee entirely — the party that carries out the caused action is neither expressed as a separate argument nor cross-referenced on the verb, so the net argument count of the derived form equals that of its base ; ; . 12 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
10. Satō states that the suffix cannot license a separate causee NP; Kobayashi's valency study describes the type as 不定使役 with the causee role suppressed and valency unchanged ; . 12 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
11. The structural facts — arity 0, causee unexpressed, or peka/or un/eun adjunct option for the implied agent — are consistent across the four sources that address the suffix ; ; ; . 12 The Permissive/Sociative Causative -yar
12. Kobayashi groups such pairs under "anticausativization" — a transitivity alternation in which the causer is suppressed and the event presented as spontaneous . 33 Middle, Anticausative, and the (Non-)Passive Question