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Foley & Van Valin 1984

Foley, William A. & Robert D. Van Valin, Jr. (1984). Functional syntax and universal grammar. Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 38. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

typological-framework general

Chapters citing this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. Satō argues that a single arity value fails for the copula, for auxiliaries, and for ditransitives, and replaces it with three simultaneous layers — an invariant argument-slot count, a macrorole valency in the sense of that the person affixes index, and the morphological valency of the derived word — while flagging his own scheme as something still to be justified ; ‹contested›. no page The Verb Word and Its Position-Class Template
2. The second is M-transitivity, the number of macroroles available for person indexing in the sense of , capped at two. no page Transitivity, Valence Classes, and Ambitransitivity
3. The conditioning factor is typically control, volition, or affectedness ; . 29–37 The Split-Intransitive (Active–Stative) Core
4. Intransitive verbs whose subject is a semantic agent — labelled Sa — behave differently from those whose subject is a semantic patient or undergoer (So) with respect to certain derivational and syntactic operations ; . 29–37 The Split-Intransitive (Active–Stative) Core
5. This position is associated with the work of Jelinek and of Baker, as reviewed in and in . no page Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate
6. Most linkage falls between the poles: the medial clause stays finite and keeps its own argument indexes while the chain is read as one larger episode, the configuration that the coordination–subordination typology of treats as cosubordination. no page Clause Linkage in Ainu: Typology and Inventory
7. The statistical same-subject preference, combined with the absence of a formal constraint, places wa in the configuration that the cosubordination typology of describes — finite clause-chaining without converb morphology and without a grammaticalized same/different-subject opposition. no page Sequential wa and Clause Chaining
8. The typological question they raise — whether their distribution tracks same-subject versus different-subject reference in the manner of switch-reference morphology — runs through the descriptive literature on Ainu clause-linking. no page The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage
9. Switch-reference — dedicated morphological marking on clause-linkers that co-indexes subject continuity between clauses — is absent from Hokkaido Ainu. no page The hine/akusu Contrast and Switch-Reference-Like Linkage