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Keenan & Comrie 1977

Keenan, Edward L. & Bernard Comrie (1977). Noun phrase accessibility and universal grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 8(1), 63–99.

typological-framework general

Chapters citing this source

Sentences of the first edition citing this source

1. Bare obliques are equally inaccessible to the prenominal gap strategy that Hokkaido Ainu uses in relative clauses; applicative promotion again opens the relativization path by moving the nominal to the direct-object tier of the accessibility hierarchy ; ; . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
2. A nominal in an oblique role — held by a postposition — lies outside the reach of gap-formation: Ainu has no mechanism for stranding a postposition in situ while extracting its complement as a relative-clause head ; . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
3. The Keenan–Comrie hierarchy frames the typological significance: Subject > Direct Object > Indirect Object > Oblique > Genitive > Comparee . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
4. What grammatical relation the promoted nominal bears — and therefore where it sits on the accessibility hierarchy — is contested between two broad analytical traditions . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
5. With an instrument the postposition ani ‘with’ remains, and p names the instrument ; ; . no page The Nominalizers -p/-pe and -i/-hi (Participant, Event, Place, Fact)
6. Bugaeva maps Hokkaido Ainu relativization against the noun phrase accessibility hierarchy of and finds that HA relativizes all core and most oblique positions; the only positions that resist are the alienable possessor and, directly, the standard of comparison . no page Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy
7. Under the noun-phrase accessibility hierarchy of , Hokkaido Ainu relativizes subjects, agents, objects, and a range of obliques through the gap strategy; the alienable possessor and the standard of comparison resist this because of island constraints and the absence of an accessible comparee position respectively . no page Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses