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Dal Corso 2020

Dal Corso, Elia (2020). The interaction of relativization and noun incorporation in Southern Hokkaidō Ainu.

db.aynu.org/2020-dal-corso-elia-the-interaction-of-relativization-and-noun-incorporation-in-southern-hokkaido-ainu prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 26 leaves, 0 with a printed page

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  1. Bare obliques are equally inaccessible to the prenominal gap strategy that Hokkaido Ainu uses in relative clauses; applicative promotion again opens the relativization path by moving the nominal to the direct-object tier of the accessibility hierarchy ; ; . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
  2. A nominal in an oblique role — held by a postposition — lies outside the reach of gap-formation: Ainu has no mechanism for stranding a postposition in situ while extracting its complement as a relative-clause head ; . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
  3. The applied object then stands in a relativization-accessible position, and a prenominal relative clause can be formed with that applied object as its head ; . no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
  4. Dal Corso documents the construction for Southern Hokkaido texts and finds that applied objects — regardless of which prefix produced them — pattern identically to base transitive objects in gap-formation ‹corpus-confirmed›. no page Applicative Stacking, Ordering, and the Feeding of Relativization
  5. The gap is a zero element: no pronoun, resumptive or otherwise, marks the relativized position inside the RC ; . 51 Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy
  6. These findings are confirmed for southern Hokkaido data by . 51 Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy
  7. Dal Corso 2020 proposes that certain southern Hokkaido indirect-evidential constructions (siri ki, hawe as, humi as) show a layout reminiscent of internally-headed relative clauses, instantiated through what he calls classificatory noun incorporation . 51–52 Relative Clauses: The Gap Strategy and the Accessibility Hierarchy
  8. Dal Corso raises this for southern Hokkaido Ainu indirect evidential constructions and proposes a classificatory-incorporation analysis . 47, 51–52 Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses
  9. Bugaeva's relativization study and Dal Corso's subsequent work both observe a distributional difference when the sensory noun appears in its bare (non-possessed) form alongside an existential or posture verb: hum as 'there is a sensation of', siri an 'there is an appearance of' ; . 52 Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses
  10. He argues that siri ki, siri an, hawe as, and humi as are instances of internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs) in which the sensory noun is incorporated into the event clause as a classifier rather than serving as an external head . 47, 51–52 Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses
  11. The proposal comprises two components: (i) an IHRC claim — the notional head is expressed inside the modifying clause — and (ii) a classificatory noun incorporation (CNI) claim — the mechanism is a type of noun incorporation in which the incorporated noun classifies the event described by the clause . 52 Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses
  12. The indirect forms replace ne with existential or posture verbs (an, as, ki), and the sensory noun appears without possessive morphology; Dal Corso reads the absence of possessive marking as a diagnostic that the sensory noun is incorporated into the clause as a classifier rather than standing as an external head outside it . 51–52 Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses
  13. Whether this extension is warranted by the southern Hokkaido data, or whether the indirect evidential constructions are better handled as partial grammaticalization of the external-RC pattern, is among the questions Dal Corso raises without fully settling ‹contested›. 52 Headless, Internally-Headed, and Noun-Modifying Clause Analyses