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Kobayashi 2025

Kobayashi Miki 小林美紀 (2025). アイヌ語における主語抱合と所属形的接頭辞 e-/o- による派生[Subject incorporation and derivation by affiliative-type prefixes e-/o- in Ainu]. 北方言語研究 [Northern Language Studies], 15: 165–178.

prior-analysis hokkaido text held locally OCR pdftotext-pieces: 8 leaves, 0 with a printed page

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1. A related set of affiliative-type prefixes — e- 'its tip/head of' and o- 'its end/base of' — prefix to verbs and behave analogously to affiliative nouns in requiring a possessive antecedent . 171 The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification
2. These are homophonous with the applicative prefixes e-/o- that increase valency by one; Kobayashi distinguishes them by valency neutrality and by restriction to unaccusative intransitive hosts ‹contested›. 171 The Alienable/Inalienable Split and Possessive Classification
3. No read source applies the term "external possession" to Hokkaido Ainu directly; the label "possessor raising" (所有者の主語への昇格) enters the literature with and is restated in ‹contested›. 166–167, 173–175 External Possession and Possessor Raising
4. When a body-part noun in its affiliative (possessed) form is incorporated into an intransitive verb, the resulting stem loses the person prefix on the noun; that person — the possessor — resurfaces as the intransitive subject of the derived verb . 173 External Possession and Possessor Raising
5. Satō (2012: 8, cited in ) and give the following contrast: 173; 173 External Possession and Possessor Raising
6. characterises the promoting force as the higher discourse salience of the possessor relative to the body part, citing Satō's observation that "body-part nouns are prone to backgrounding because the possessor is felt to be more salient" (Satō 2012: 20–21, as quoted in ). 173; 173 External Possession and Possessor Raising
7. Once incorporated, the natural force no longer occupies the subject position; the base object is promoted to intransitive subject of the derived verb . 166–167 External Possession and Possessor Raising
8. shows that the derived unaccusatives from natural-force NI feed the affiliative-type prefixes e- and o- (treated in the following section), because those prefixes select exclusively for unaccusative hosts. 175–176 External Possession and Possessor Raising
9. Alongside the full applicative system, identifies a set of affiliative-type prefixes (所属形的接頭辞): and . 171 External Possession and Possessor Raising
10. The following forms are documented in : 171 External Possession and Possessor Raising
11. e- and o- in this function attach only to unaccusative intransitives — verbs whose sole argument is a theme or patient — not to unergatives (agent-subject intransitives) ‹corpus-confirmed›. 171 External Possession and Possessor Raising
12. The two uses are synchronically distinct in valence behaviour — the applicative adds an argument; the affiliative-type prefix does not — but this distinction requires verb-by-verb analysis and is not always surface-transparent ‹contested›. 167 External Possession and Possessor Raising
13. , following , treats body-part NI possessor-raising as an NI-internal process: the incorporated noun's possessor is promoted to clause subject by virtue of the body-part's relative discourse-salience deficit, and the result is an unaccusative predicate. 173–175 External Possession and Possessor Raising