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Chapter 49Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns

The free/independent personal pronouns and their emphatic/contrastive use alongside the obligatory bound affixes, plus the reflexive and emphatic 'self' nominals used as NP arguments, kept distinct from the verbal reflexive prefix (Part XI).

49.1 The independent pronouns and their place in the grammar

Hokkaido Ainu marks person obligatorily on the finite verb; the independent personal pronouns are additive elements, not the primary vehicle of argument tracking. Nakagawa assigns them arity 0 — they behave like adverbial adjuncts, are never obligatory, and cannot be incorporated into a verb stem, unlike other noun phrases of arity −1 Nakagawa (2024: 250, 262–263). Kindaichi and Chiri captured the same point by calling the pronoun a 贅語 'pleonasm', comparing kuani ku=eraman 'I know' to Latin ego scio and French moi je sais: the verbal index alone suffices, and the pronoun doubles it for emphasis Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 53). Tamura's Saru description confirms the pattern — pronouns function syntactically like adverbs, appearing only when a specific pragmatic condition is met Tamura (1971: 3–5). The practical result is that pronouns appear far less freely than in Japanese, and third-person forms are particularly rare: where Japanese uses 彼/彼女, Hokkaido Ainu overwhelmingly prefers demonstrative phrases (toan kur 'that person', nea menoko 'that woman') Nakagawa (2024: 250, 256).

The sole pronoun that is dialect-invariant across all of Hokkaido is 2SG eani. All other forms show at least some regional variation; the central division separates Saru and Chitose (1SG kani) from the rest of Hokkaido (1SG kuani), and the plural and fourth-person rows diverge considerably across zones Nakagawa (2024: 250–251). The verbal affixes these pronouns reduplicate are described in Chapter 62 (Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms).

Reflexive marking in Hokkaido Ainu is realized verbally, not by dedicated reflexive pronouns. The prefixes yay- and si-, which redirect an action onto the subject or its possessor, are covered in Chapter 84 (The Reflexive yay-) and Chapter 85 (The Reflexive-Possessive si- and the yay-/si- Division). The emphatic 'I myself / you yourself' function that some languages express with a distinct intensive-pronoun series is realized in HA by the independent pronoun plus a focus or topic particle — the same pronouns described here, in their focus-hosting function.

49.2 Internal structure: the nominalised existential

The personal pronouns are not primitive forms. Tamura's foundational analysis derives each one by attaching a person index to one of two existential roots — singular an 'exist (SG)' or plural oka(y) 'exist (PL)' — and then nominalizing the result with the possessed (affiliative) form suffix, whose base is the formal noun hi ‘thing, fact (formal noun)’ Tamura (1971: 3–5); Nakagawa (2024: 253). The formula is: person-index + existential root + hi.

A diagnostic point secures this analysis. The plural pronouns use the transitive-subject / possessive person prefixes (ci=, a(n)=, eci=) rather than the intransitive-S suffixes (=as, =an) that a finite plural-existential verb would carry. This shows that the base is a noun oka(y)+hi 'the (plural) being', which is possessed, not a finite verb oka(y) that is person-inflected Nakagawa (2024: 253); Kindaichi & Chiri (1936: 53).

The formal noun hi surfaces in the singular pronouns but is lost in the plurals. The singulars preserve it: ku=an-hi → kani (with contraction), e=an-hi → eani, an-hi → anihi. In the plural series the sequence okay-hi would produce an illicit syllable contact; hi is suppressed, and the final -y of okay further drops in Saru, yielding oka Nakagawa (2024: 253).

Composition of the personal pronouns (Saru/Chitose/Shizunai baseline; after Nakagawa 2024: 253, citing Tamura 1971: 3–5)
pronounpersonsegmentation
kani / kuani1SGk(u)= + an + hi (Saru/Chitose contracted; elsewhere full)
eani2SGe= + an + hi
anihi / sinuma3SGan + hi (= ihi); or the sinuma-base type (see §Chapter 49 (Personal, Reflexive, and Emphatic Pronouns))
anani / asinuma4SGan= + an + hi; or a= + sinuma
c(i)oka(y)1PL.EXCLci= + oka(y) (+ hi, suppressed)
ecioka(y)2PLeci= + oka(y) (+ hi, suppressed)
oka(y)3PLoka(y) (+ hi, suppressed)
a(n)oka(y)4PLa(n)= + oka(y) (+ hi, suppressed)

The 1SG contraction kuani → kani in Saru and Chitose follows the same vowel-deletion process as ciep → cep 'fish', where the high vowel of the prefix is absorbed by the adjacent syllable aynu-corpora Discord (2023–2026) (gengojiro, aynu-corpora Discord, 2024-02-05; asserted, corroborated by Nakagawa (2024: 250–251)). Elsewhere in Hokkaido the uncontracted form kuani is maintained.

49.3 The dialect paradigm

The full Hokkaido pronoun inventory spans six major dialect zones. The singular/plural distinction is maintained throughout, though the plural and fourth-person rows show the greatest variation Nakagawa (2024: 250–252, tables 60–65).

Independent personal pronouns across Hokkaido dialects (Nakagawa 2024: 250–251, tables 60–65)
personSaru SGSaru PLChitose SG / PLShizunai SG / PLHorobetsu PLIshikari SG / PLTokachi SG / PL
1kanicokakani / coka(y)kuani / ciokaciokaykuani / ciokaykuani / ciokay · ciutari
2eanieciokaeani / ecioka(y)eani / ecioka · eciutarieciokayeani / esokayeani / eciokay · eciutari
3sinumaokasinuma / oka(y)okayanihi / okayanihi / okay
4asinumaaokaasinuma / aoka(y)anani / anoka · anutariaokayanokayanokay / anutari

Corpus search returns kani at 522 tokens, eani at 716, and asinuma at 668; by contrast, the first-person exclusive plural coka reaches only 41 tokens ‹corpus-confirmed›. The disproportion between singular and plural frequencies matches Nakagawa's description of the plural forms as genuinely marginal Nakagawa (2024: 250). Clusivity in the first-person plural — exclusive ci=/=as versus the fourth-person inclusive — is treated in Chapter 64 (First-Person Plural and the Clusivity Question (ci=/=as, un=)).

49.4 Two further formation types

Beyond the existential-base type, two additional strategies contribute to the plural and third/fourth-person rows Nakagawa (2024: 254–255).

Type II — person-prefix + utari: Several dialects form plural pronouns with the associative-plural noun utar ‘relatives, kin group’ (possessed form utari): Tokachi ciutari (1PL), eciutari (2PL), anutari (4PL). These forms retain the lexical sense of utari 'kin, associates' and stand "halfway between a pronoun and a common noun" Nakagawa (2024: 254). The Saru/Chitose sequences k=utari, a=utari similarly mean 'my / their family' with a third-person (non-inclusive) verb, and only Tokachi anutari — which triggers a fourth-person (inclusive) verb — functions as a full plural pronoun 'we (including you)' Nakagawa (2024: 254).

Type III — sinuma base: The 3SG form sinuma and 4SG asinuma are built on a distinct base whose internal structure is unanalysed synchronically. Kindaichi posited a literary 2SG form esinuma by analogy, but Nakagawa found no attested example and treats it as a phantom form ‹speculative› Nakagawa (2024: 255).

49.5 Functions: emphasis, contrast, and focus hosting

Nakagawa identifies three conditions that trigger an independent pronoun where the verbal index alone would otherwise suffice Nakagawa (2024: 255–256). A neutral predication ('I am here', 'he came') carries no pronoun; a self-introduction such as *asinuma anak … a=ne 'I am —' would be almost never said without special emphasis Nakagawa (2024: 255).

49.5.1 Emphasis

When a participant is singled out from alternatives ('I and not someone else will do it'), the pronoun precedes the verb and co-indexes the verbal prefix. In the following Chitose example, kani adds the emphatic reading on top of the already-complete verbal index k=:

(1)
kani 1sg
k=uomare 1SG.A=clean.up
kusu PURP
ne COP
na FIN

‘(I) will clean up, so…’

Nakagawa 2024: 255; Chitose

Nakagawa ex. 321. The verbal index k= (reduced form of ku= before a vowel) already marks the 1SG agent; kani adds the emphatic 'I (not someone else)'. The clause continues; kusu ne na closes the coordinating frame.

Kindaichi and Chiri's classical demonstration of the same construction places it explicitly in the register of Latin and French emphasis:

(2)
kuani 1sg
ku=eraman 1SG.A=know

‘I know.’

Kindaichi & Chiri 1936: 53; Saru

Kindaichi & Chiri §78. The full form kuani rather than contracted Saru kani reflects the older or literary register of the source. ku= is the complete 1SG.A index; kuani is strictly additive.

49.5.2 Contrast

When two participants are explicitly opposed in consecutive clauses — 'you do X; I do Y' — each is marked by the independent pronoun plus the topic marker anak=ne. The following Saru dialogue from the Akor Itak teaching material pairs eani anakne (addressee) against kani anakne (speaker):

(3)
eani 2sg
anak=ne TOP
onne old
kur man
neno like
e=yaynu 2SG.A=think
hi NMLZ

‘Do you think like an old man?’

Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994; Saru, Akor Itak §4 [akor-itak/004#6], Saru

The following sentence in the source — kani anakne mokor akkari sus kusu pet or un k=arpa rusuy 'I'd rather go swimming in the river' — completes the contrast pair. Both pronouns carry anak=ne to mark the opposed topics. The pragmatics of topic fronting are developed in the chapter on topic-marking-anakne.

49.5.3 Focus-particle hosting

Focus and scalar particles such as ka 'even/also', anakne (topic-focus), and hem must attach to a noun phrase; they cannot host on a verbal index. *ku= anakne and *ku= ka are ungrammatical. An independent pronoun is therefore obligatory whenever such a particle scopes over a participant Nakagawa (2024: 256). In the following Saru example, asinuma hosts the scalar particle ka:

(4)
ka FOC
i=nukar 4.O=look.at

‘…(they) looked at me too.’

Nakagawa 2024: 256; Saru

Nakagawa ex. 324, Saru. The fourth-person object i= indexes the narrator as the entity looked at. The scalar particle ka 'even/also' attaches to the pronoun asinuma; without the pronoun there is no NP host for ka. The full range of fourth-person object i= uses is treated in indefinite-fourth-person-paradigm.

The same constraint governs topic fronting: kani anakne … is the canonical pattern, impossible as *ku= anakne. The broader implications for argument structure and pro-drop in HA are taken up in Chapter 94 (Pro-Drop, (Non)configurationality, and the Pronominal-Argument Debate), and the particle paradigm in Chapter 140 (Topic and Focus Marking: anak(ne), patek, and ka).

49.6 The fourth-person pronoun and the singular/plural asymmetry

The fourth-person row is where the dialect paradigm shows its sharpest internal contradictions, providing, in Nakagawa's words, "an important hint for the historical origin of the fourth-person singular" that remains unresolved ‹contested› Nakagawa (2024: 251–252).

In Saru and Chitose both the pronoun and the verb distinguish singular from plural: pronoun asinuma (SG) vs aoka (PL), paralleled by distinct singular and plural verbal forms. Shizunai makes the opposite move: the pronoun preserves a singular/plural distinction (anani SG vs anoka PL), but the verb is invariably plural regardless of which pronoun is used — the pronoun-level contrast survives without a verbal counterpart. Horobetsu shows the mirror image: the verb retains a singular/plural opposition, but the only available fourth-person pronoun is the plural-base aokay, used even for a single narrator Nakagawa (2024: 252). These "opposite twists" are left as an open diachronic question by Nakagawa.

One community-proposed reconstruction treats the 4th-person prefix as a-/=an < *an-, with Shizunai anokay preserving the older form: the nasal-drop that produced Saru/western a= vs Tokachi/Ishikari an= would be blocked at pronoun level because the result would create hiatus aynu-corpora Discord (2023–2026) (.k1270, aynu-corpora Discord, 2024-03-22; ‹speculative›, attributed to Nakagawa). The connection between this prefix form and the broader morphological alignment of the fourth person is discussed in Chapter 62 (Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms) and Chapter 67 (The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing).

In oral narrative, the fourth-person pronoun asinuma functions routinely as the first-person narrative self, alternating with or supplementing the verbal index ku=/k=. Corpus evidence places asinuma at 669 tokens, predominantly in Saru narrative texts. The fourth-person pronoun appears in this function with topic-focus particles — the same focus-hosting role described above:

(5)

asinuma anakne iwor so ka a=ehoyupu wa

anak=ne TOP
iwor hunting.ground
so summit
ka over
a=e-hoyupu 4.A=APPL-fly.about
wa CONJ

‘As for myself, I flew about over the hunting ground…’

ILCAA Ainu materials 1976; Saru, Kawakami Matsuko, uwepeker 民話8 (その1), ILCAA Ainu materials (沙流) [aa-irc/006#52]

The fourth-person pronoun asinuma serves as the first-person narrative self throughout this text. The topic marker anak=ne cannot attach to a verbal affix and requires the free pronoun as host. The ka here is the postposition 'over/on top of' (path marker with the applicative e-), not the scalar focus particle.

The honorific and logophoric uses of the fourth person — including the use of a fourth-person verb for a single esteemed addressee — are treated in Chapter 68 (Honorific and Logophoric Uses of the Fourth Person). The full debate over terminology (fourth person, indefinite, inclusive) and the referential range of the a=/=an/i= affix set is carried in Chapter 67 (The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing).

References cited in this chapter

aynu-corpora Discord (2023–2026) ·Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai (1994) ·ILCAA Ainu materials (1976) ·Kindaichi & Chiri (1936) ·Nakagawa (2024) ·Tamura (1971)