Chapter 171A Glossed Everyday-Conversation Text
A passage of recorded everyday conversation glossed and annotated to illustrate spontaneous spoken syntax, sentence-final particles, and connected-speech reduction.
171.1 The passage and its source
The passage glossed in this chapter is drawn from the Asahikawa section of Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai (1994), a conversational textbook produced by the Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai to accompany a set of VHS recordings. Two speakers are documented: Sugimura Fusa (杉村フサ) and Kawamura Tome (川村トメ), both of Asahikawa (旭川市). The exchange depicts a neighbour's visit — calling at the door, being invited in, exchanging a well-being greeting, and closing with a weather remark — and brings into a single connected stretch several constructions that are analysed in separate chapters of this grammar: the polar-question frame of the evidential, the 1SG and 2SG person prefixes, the causal connective kusu, and the inferential auxiliary nankor. The dialect is Asahikawa (Nakagawa (2024: 82–83)), a northern Hokkaido variety; the transcription uses the romanization conventions of the original publication, with small-kana codas rendered as their consonant values.
The register is everyday colloquial speech, sharply distinct from the elevated vocabulary of oral-literature genres (Chapter 168 (A Glossed Uwepeker (Prose Folktale)); Chapter 170 (A Glossed Inonno-itak (Ritual Prayer))) and from the gendered-register differences documented in Chapter 145 (Gendered Speech and Pragmatic Registers). The published source is Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai (1994: 2–3); Asahikawa section, speakers Sugimura Fusa and Kawamura Tome.
171.2 Arrival and entry
Sugimura calls through the closed door, addressing her friend as sapo (older sister, a close-kin address term). The existential verb an ‘exist, be’ appears without a person prefix: in Hokkaido Ainu, the 3rd person is zero-marked (Chapter 62 (Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms)), and the intended referent — the woman inside — is a 3rd-person entity from the caller's perspective. The formal noun ruwe in its bare clause-final position, without the following copula ne, builds the polar-question frame rather than the declarative evidential (the polar-question frame).
サポ、アン ルウェ?
‘Older sister, are you there?’
Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994: 2; Asahikawa, Sugimura Fusa, Asahikawa
Polar question via bare ruwe (without ne). The argument of an is zero-marked (3rd person, the sister inside the house). The same formula with an explicit 2SG.S prefix appears later in the same exchange (see §3 below).
Kawamura responds and invites her visitor in. The directive particle ya ‘please (softener)’ in Asahikawa corresponds to yan in Saru and most other varieties (a difference noted in a footnote of the original publication Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai (1994: 2)); it functions as a polite imperative softener, not as the default bare imperative (Chapter 143 (The Sentence-Final Particle System and Illocutionary Force)). The motion verb ahun ‘enter’ is the singular form; its suppletive plural is ahup. A single visitor is addressed, hence the singular (Chapter 58 (Verbal Number: Suppletive Stems and the Pluractional -pa)).
オ、アフン ヤ。
‘Come on in, please.’
Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994: 2; Asahikawa, Kawamura Tome, Asahikawa
o is a non-lexical interjection (Japanese sā 'well then' equivalent). ya in ASA functions as the imperative softener yan of other dialects; the footnote in the source makes this explicit.
171.3 The well-being exchange
Later in the visit Sugimura enquires after Kawamura's well-being, now with an explicit 2nd-person prefix on the same existential verb an. The contrast between the zero-marked opening question (an ruwe?, §2) and the prefix-marked well-being question shows the full range of the person system operating on a single verb stem: 3rd-person referents are zero-marked, while 1SG and 2SG carry distinct prefixes throughout Hokkaido (Chapter 63 (First- and Second-Person Singular Affixes (ku=/en=, e=/e=))).
サポ、トテクノ エアン ルウェ?
‘Sister, have you been well?’
Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994: 2; Asahikawa, Sugimura Fusa, Asahikawa
e= is the 2SG.S prefix (intransitive subject), marking the addressee as the sole argument of an. totekno (in good health, well) is an adverb modifying the predicate. The polar-question ruwe frame is the same as in §2.
トテクノ クアン ワ。
‘I am well.’
Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994: 2; Asahikawa, Kawamura Tome, Asahikawa
ku= is the 1SG.S prefix, mirroring the 2SG.S e= of the question. The clause-linking particle wa (CONJ) closes the turn without a following clause; in conversational Ainu, a wa-final utterance signals a complete turn while leaving the chain formally open (see Nakagawa 2024: 345).
Person marking in the Ainu verb is obligatory in careful speech; its omission in the opening formula above reflects conversational reduction where the referent is fully recoverable from the situation (Nakagawa (2024: 163); Satō (2008: 100–101)). The conjunctive particle wa connecting or closing clauses is treated in Chapter 132 (Sequential wa and Clause Chaining).
171.4 A weather exchange
The visit closes with a brief weather exchange. Kawamura's remark is a biclausal construction: a causal adverbial clause in kusu ‘because’ followed by a main-clause assertion. The causal connective belongs to the pattern treated in Chapter 136 (Causal and Purpose Clauses (kusu)). The property verb merayke ‘be cold’ is an intransitive predicate whose subject — the weather — is zero-marked at 3rd person. Bugaeva (2022)
ヌマン、ポロンノ ウバシ アシ クス タント ソンノ メライケ ナ。
‘Because there was a lot of snow last night, today is truly cold.’
Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994: 3; Asahikawa, Kawamura Tome, Asahikawa
The causal clause (numan … kusu) provides the reason; the main clause (tanto … na) asserts the result. as 'stand/fall' is the standard verb for snowfall (upas as = snow falls). The sentence-final particle na is a soft assertion marker.
Sugimura's agreeing response uses the same property verb merayke ‘be cold’ with the 4th-person intransitive suffix =an. The 4th / indefinite person, whose S-role index is =an, shifts the perspective from a specific 3rd-person subject to a general experiencer (Chapter 67 (The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing)). The existential-type aspect form V=an is the same suffix in its aspectual function, discussed in Chapter 97 (Existential and Locational Clauses (an / oka)).
ソンノ メライケアン。
‘It really is cold.’
Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994: 3; Asahikawa, Sugimura Fusa, Asahikawa
merayke=an: the 4th-person intransitive suffix =an attaches to the property verb, yielding a general-experiencer reading ('it is cold out'). Compare merayke na above, where the subject is 3rd-person zero-marked.
Kawamura rounds off the exchange with a prediction, using the inferential auxiliary nankor. Unlike ruwe ne, which presents content as already-established knowledge (Chapter 121 (ruwe ne — the Inferential / Visual-Trace Evidential)), nankor encodes a tentative, inference-based assertion: the speaker reasons from current conditions rather than perceiving or reporting the future event directly. The auxiliary is discussed as part of the epistemic-modal paradigm in Chapter 119 (Epistemic Modality, Dubitative, Intentive, and Irrealis) and at the evidential-mirative interface in Chapter 125 (Mirativity, Evidential Scope, and Grammaticalization to Sentence-Final Particles). The Asahikawa form undergoes sandhi: nankor followed by the final particle na surfaces as nankornā, rendered in the source's Katakana as ナンコンナー.
ニサッタ シリピリカ ナンコンナー。
‘Tomorrow will probably be fine.’
Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai 1994: 3; Asahikawa, Kawamura Tome, Asahikawa
nankor encodes inference-based assertion (INFR): the speaker has no direct evidence about tomorrow's weather and reasons from current conditions. The Katakana ナンコンナー represents the ASA sandhi form nankor + na → nankornā.
171.5 Synopsis of constructions
The seven utterances above cover a cluster of constructions whose full analyses belong to separate chapters. The table maps each to its primary grammatical feature.
The passage also illustrates a characteristic feature of Ainu conversational structure: each turn-final predicate controls the evidential or modal framing for the whole turn — ruwe in the questions, wa in the open-chain response, bare na in the assertions, and nankor na in the inference. The parallel between this conversational pattern and the evidential-turn structure of oral-literature frame-text is noted in Nakagawa (2024: 392–396); the contrast with oral-literature patterning is illustrated in Chapter 155 (Narrative TAM and Evidential Patterning by Genre).
References cited in this chapter
Bugaeva (2022) ·Hokkaidō Utari Kyōkai (1994) ·Nakagawa (2024) ·Satō (2008)