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Chapter 174Abbreviations and Glossing-Symbol Conventions

The tables of interlinear-gloss abbreviations, morpheme-boundary symbols, and notation conventions used in the grammar, with a concordance reconciling divergent conventions across the source literature.

174.1 Morpheme boundary symbols and the interlinear format

The grammar's interlinear examples follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules (Comrie, Haspelmath & Bickel 2015), adapted for the morphological structure of Ainu. A minimal example has three aligned lines: a morphemic segmentation line (m), a gloss line (g), and a free translation (tr). An optional surface-form line (ain) appears where the orthographic surface differs from the segmentation; an original-script line (orig) preserves katakana source text where the segmentation is editorial. The methodology governing source attribution, example selection, and the layout of example headers is set out in Chapter 10 (Interlinear Glossing, Abbreviations, and Citation Conventions).

Three symbols mark morpheme structure within a word: Comrie, Haspelmath & Bickel (2015)

symbolfunctionmorphemic / gloss pair
-affix boundary — derivational morphology or plural stem suffixesray-ke / die-caus 'kill'
=person-marker boundary (orthographic convention — not a clitic claim)ku=kor / 1sg.a=have 'I have it'
.portmanteau dot — joins fused atoms within one gloss position1sg.a, 4.s, 2pl.o, track.poss

The personal indexes (ku=, e=, eci=, a=, =an, =as, and the object prefixes) are uniformly marked with = throughout the grammar. This follows the orthographic convention begun by Nakagawa (from his 1980s data-management practice, promulgated in the 1986 語りの中の生活誌 and now dominant in Hokkaidō teaching and descriptive materials): the = keeps inflectional person marking visually distinct from derivation and makes the dictionary headword recoverable. It is expressly not the Leipzig-glossing clitic boundary — Nakagawa himself notes his usage is unrelated to that convention Nakagawa (2024: 58–60). Other sources notate the same elements differently: Satō and Ijäs write them with hyphens, Hattori and Tamura solid, Kirikae with a space; examples quoted from those sources are renotated to = here. The markers' actual morphological status — clitic-like for =an, affix-like for the prefixal set — is mixed and contested, and is treated in Chapter 62 (Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms) and Chapter 69 (The Personal-Affix Template: Position Classes and Affix Ordering). Derivational material — applicative prefixes, the causative suffix -ke, the reflexive and reciprocal prefixes, and the plural stem suffix -pa — is separated with -.

The portmanteau dot . joins fused atoms within a single gloss position without inserting a morpheme boundary on the morphemic line. Two uses arise: (1) person-and-role portmanteaux (1sg.a for a single morpheme encoding both first-person singular and agent), and (2) a lexical-root gloss combined with a grammatical atom (track.poss for ru-we 'the trace of —'). Every atom in a dot-joined sequence must exist in the inventory below.

(1)
ku=ray-ke 1SG.A=die-CAUS

‘I kill (something).’

constructed example

Illustrating the three boundary symbols: = separates the person marker ku= from the stem (an orthographic convention, not a clitic analysis); - separates the verb root ray from the CAUS suffix. The portmanteau gloss 1SG.A joins two atoms with the dot, expressing person (1SG) and role (A) from a single morpheme.

174.2 Gloss abbreviation inventory

All grammatical-category labels in gloss lines are drawn from the table below. The grammar's <Ex> component validates every uppercase token at build time and throws if an atom is absent. Lexical glosses — the ordinary English words that translate roots and stems — are lowercase and do not require registration. The inventory follows the Leipzig Glossing Rules base set (Comrie, Haspelmath & Bickel 2015) extended with categories specific to the description of Hokkaido Ainu.

abbreviationmeaning
1first person
1PLfirst person plural
1SGfirst person singular
2second person
2PLsecond person plural
2SGsecond person singular
3third person
3PLthird person plural
3SGthird person singular
4fourth (indefinite/logophoric) person
Aagent-like argument of a transitive verb
ABLablative (source case)
ADMadmonitive ('lest')
ADVadverbial(izer)
ALLATallative
ANAPHanaphoric (discourse-tracking)
ANTIPantipassive
ANTICanticausative
AUTOCautocausative
APPLapplicative
ASSassociative plural
ATTRattributive
CAUScausative
CLclassifier (numeral counter suffix)
COMITcomitative
COMPcomplementizer
CONDconditional
CONJconjunctive (clause-linking) particle
COPcopula
DELdeliberative
DEMdemonstrative
DIRdirect (as in CAUS.DIR, direct causative)
DESdesiderative
DIMdiminutive
DISTdistal
EMPHemphatic
EPepenthetic segment
EVIDevidential (generic label)
EXCLexclusive
FINfinal (sentence-final) particle
FOCfocus
GENgenitive (adnominal/of-relation)
HORThortative
HUMhuman (in classifiers)
IMPimperative
INCLinclusive
INDEFindefinite person
INFRinferential evidential
INSinstrumental
INTintensifier
INTERJinterjection
INTRintransitive
IPFVimperfective
ITRiterative
LEXlexical / lexicalized (as in CAUS.LEX, lexical causative)
MIDmiddle (voice)
LOClocative
MIRmirative
NEGnegative
NMLZnominalizer / nominalization
Oobject (patient-like argument of a transitive verb)
ORDordinal
PASSpassive
PERLperlative (through, along an area)
PERSpersonal (evidential of personal knowledge)
PFVperfective
PLplural
POLpolite
POSSpossessive — the "belonging" (affiliative) form of nouns
PRFperfect
PROGprogressive
PROHprohibitive
PROXproximal
PURPpurposive
Qquestion particle
QUOTquotative
RECrecent
RECPreciprocal
REFLreflexive
REPreportative evidential
RESresultative
Ssingle argument of an intransitive verb
SGsingular
SOFTsoftener (imperative-mitigating particle)
TOPtopic
TRANSLtranslative (as, become)
TRtransitive
TRVZtransitivizer
VBLZverbalizer

174.2.1 Notes on role labels A, S, and O

A, S, and O are the core argument-role labels of the S/A/O framework used throughout the grammar: A for the transitive subject (agent), S for the sole argument of an intransitive verb, and O for the transitive object (patient). The choice of these labels over erg and abs reflects the mixed alignment of the Hokkaido paradigm — where 1SG is nominative–accusative (S=A≠O), the second and third persons are neutral (S=A=O), and the first-person plural exclusive and the fourth person are tripartite (S≠A≠O) — so neither an ergative nor a nominative characterization covers the whole system. The paradigm and the alignment question are set out in Chapter 62 (Architecture of the Personal-Affix System: The Four Persons and the S/A/O Paradigms). Bugaeva (2012)

174.2.2 Notes on the fourth person

4 labels the formal fourth person by form class, following Nakagawa's framework of four numbered persons Nakagawa (2024: 163–179). INDEF is used when the gloss targets the referential value — indefinite or impersonal — rather than the form class. The two atoms may appear in portmanteau sequences: 4.A, 4.S, and 4.O index the three role slots of the fourth-person form set. The full referential range of the fourth person — inclusive 'we', impersonal agent-defocusing, honorific second person, narrative first person, and logophoric reference — is treated in Chapter 67 (The Indefinite/Fourth Person: Forms, Reference, and Agent-Defocusing).

174.2.3 Notes on POSS, ANTIP, AUTOC, ANTIC, and MID

POSS glosses two distinct but related phenomena: the person-possessive prefix slot (ku=cise, 1sg.poss=house 'my house'), and the affiliative/possessed suffix that marks the "belonging form" of a noun or that nominalizes a clause-internal constituent (ru-we, track-poss, 'the trace of —'). The concept form versus the affiliative (possessed) form is defined in Chapter 44 (Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form); the English label POSS here corresponds to what the Japanese tradition calls 所属形 shozokuei, sometimes rendered AFF (affiliative) in English-medium work Bugaeva (2022).

ANTIP glosses the detransitivizing prefix i- throughout the grammar, following Bugaeva's explicit antipassive analysis Bugaeva (2021). Its analysis and its boundary with the homophonous fourth-person object prefix i= are treated in Chapter 83 (The Antipassive / Detransitive i-).

REFL, AUTOC, ANTIC, REFL.POSS, and MID are separated by construction rather than by surface form. Verbal yay- is glossed REFL, following Bugaeva's contrast between reflexive proper and the si- line. Verbal si- is normally AUTOC (autocausative, self-induced motion or change) in Bugaeva's 2025 analysis, with an emerging or lexicalized ANTIC use; it keeps the gloss REFL where it fills a genuinely self-coreferent object slot, as in the 'pretend to' construction with causative -re/-ka. Nominal si- and yay- are glossed REFL.POSS when they mark a subject-coreferent possessor. The suffix -ke is the primary ANTIC/INTR.SG marker in Bugaeva's anticausative paper, while the homophonous lexical-transitive -ke is glossed TR or CAUS.LEX. The prefix ci- is kept separate as MID/RES, because it suppresses the agent/resultatively profiles the affected participant rather than marking self-causation Bugaeva (2025: §1.2, §3.1.2); Bugaeva & Kobayashi (2022: §4.2).

174.2.4 Notes on evidential labels

Four labels cover the Hokkaido Ainu evidential system: INFR (inferential), REP (reportative), PERS (personal — evidential of direct personal knowledge), and EVID (generic evidential, used where the specific type is not at issue or is analytically undifferentiated in the source). These map onto the nominalization-plus-copula evidential construction described in Chapter 120 (The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema). The relationship to the more fine-grained labeling of Dal Corso (2018) is set out in the concordance section below.

174.3 Dialect and locality labels

Every interlinear example carries a dialect tag indicating which variety of Ainu it represents. The closed set of recognized tags is listed below; the tag appears in the example header as the dial attribute. Finer locality — the specific community, speaker, or recording site — is recorded in the place field rather than as a new dialect tag. The dialect survey and the principles governing example selection are set out in Chapter 9 (The Dialect Sample and the Corpus-Quantification Method).

tagvariety
HKHokkaido (dialect not further specified)
SARSaru
CHIChitose
ISHIshikari
TOKTokachi
HORHorobetsu
SHIShizunai
ASAAsahikawa
YAKYakumo
SASakhalin (cited for contrast)
KUKuril (cited for contrast)

The tag HK is used where a source covers more than one Hokkaido locality or where the specific site cannot be determined. Sakhalin (SA) and Kuril (KU) examples appear only to illuminate contrasts with the Hokkaido system and are always tagged as such. No ad-hoc locality tags are introduced; the place field carries any further detail.

174.4 Notation conventions

Several conventional marks appear outside the three-line gloss proper:

markuse
*Placed before a word or morpheme: (a) reconstructed or diachronically postulated form (Proto-Ainu); or (b) ungrammatical form in a cited or constructed example. Context distinguishes the two uses.
?Marginal, degraded, or speaker-variable acceptability.
ØZero exponent (null morph); used in paradigm tables and in glosses where a grammatical category is present but has no phonological realization (third person in Hokkaido Ainu is the main case).
‹grade›Evidence-grade label scoping over the immediately preceding claim. The closed set is: ‹consensus›, ‹contested›, ‹corpus-confirmed›, ‹corpus-suggested›, ‹speculative›. Unmarked prose is treated as consensus and is not labelled; analyses original to this grammar are marked ‹speculative› and identified as such in the prose.

The Latin-script phonemic transcription — the grammar's primary writing system for Ainu forms — is described in Chapter 11 (The Latin Phonemic Transcription). Orthographic variation, word-division conventions, and the relationship between different romanization standards in the literature are covered in Chapter 15 (Orthographic Standardization and the Word-Division Problem). Technical grammatical terms used throughout the grammar are defined in Chapter 173 (Glossary of Grammatical Terms).

174.5 Cross-source glossing concordance

The descriptive literature on Hokkaido Ainu uses divergent glossing conventions. English-medium typological treatments and Japanese-medium reference grammars do not share a unified standard, and examples drawn from these sources and re-glossed here may carry different labels than the originals. The table below maps the most consequential divergences.

categorythis grammarBugaeva (2012, 2022)Dal Corso (2018)notes
transitive subject (agent)AAAS/A/O labels shared across English-medium work
intransitive subjectSSS
transitive object (patient)OOO
fourth/indefinite person4, INDEF4, INDEF4, INDEFJapanese tradition: 不定人称 Nakagawa (2024: 163)
antipassive prefix i-ANTIPANTIPANTIPBugaeva (2021); Japanese tradition: 不定目的語接頭辞 Satō (2008: 78–80)
possessed/affiliative suffixPOSSAFFPOSSJapanese tradition: 所属形語尾 shozokuei go-bi
nominalizers (-p/-pe, -i/-hi)NMLZNMLZNMLZJapanese tradition: 名詞化辞; treated in Chapter 101 (The Nominalizers -p/-pe and -i/-hi (Participant, Event, Place, Fact))
inferential evidential (ruwe ne)INFREVIDdir.rsn / dir.knwDal Corso's system distinguishes two direct-evidential types by source reliability Dal Corso (2018: 304–309)
reportative evidential (hawe ne)REPEVIDind.repindirect-reportative in Dal Corso's eight-term system
applicative prefixes e-, ko-, o-APPLAPPLAPPLtreated in Chapter 78 (The Applicative System: Overview and the Preverb-vs-Applicative Debate)
copula neCOPCOPCOP

The evidential labels warrant the most attention for readers moving between this grammar and Dal Corso (2018). Dal Corso employs a fine-grained eight-term system organized by two parameters — source reliability and event accessibility — yielding dir.rsn (direct/reasoning), dir.knw (direct/knowledge), ind.vis (indirect/visual), ind.rep (indirect/reportative), ind.sens (indirect/sensory), and their extensions Dal Corso (2018: 304–309). This grammar uses four simplified labels (INFR, REP, PERS, EVID) that correspond to the grammatical construction rather than to Dal Corso's semantic parameters; the mapping is discussed alongside the construction in Chapter 120 (The Nominalization-plus-Copula Evidential Schema).

Refsing (1986) predates the Leipzig Glossing Rules Refsing (1986) and uses a non-standardized labeling system with lowercase labels; readers consulting her Shizunai paradigm tables should use this grammar's abbreviation inventory as the mapping reference. The Japanese-medium grammars of Satō (2008) and Nakagawa (2024) work predominantly with Japanese metalanguage rather than Latin-script gloss abbreviations Satō (2008); Nakagawa (2024); where they do supply English-style labels in comparative sections, these are generally compatible with the inventory here.

The AFF (affiliative) versus POSS (possessive) difference reflects a genuine terminological divergence between traditions. Bugaeva aligns with the Japanese 所属形 (shozokuei) label — translating it as "affiliative" — while this grammar uses POSS to emphasize the morphological category (the "belonging form" that the noun takes when possessed or when it heads a nominalized constituent). The concept form versus affiliative-form opposition, and the morphological evidence bearing on the choice, are defined in Chapter 44 (Concept Form vs. Affiliative (Possessed) Form).

References cited in this chapter

Bugaeva (2012) ·Bugaeva (2021) ·Bugaeva (2022) ·Bugaeva (2025) ·Bugaeva & Kobayashi (2022) ·Comrie, Haspelmath & Bickel (2015) ·Dal Corso (2018) ·Nakagawa (2024) ·Refsing (1986) ·Satō (2008)